SB1 '"  -  ,        •  mSr 


LIBRARY 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 


•  /f/oo 


No. 


Class  No. 


AMERICAN  MEN  OF 
ENERGY 


Each,  illustrated,  12°,  $1.50 

BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.        By   EDWARD 

ROBINS. 
(JKNL.     HKNRY    KNOX.         By    NOAM 

BROOKS. 

GENL.   ISRAEL   PUTNAM.     By  WILLIAM 
FARRAND  LIVINGSTON. 

(In  preparation.) 

PAUL  JONES.     By  JAMES  BARNES. 
(In  preparation.) 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 

NEW  YORK   AND  LONDON 


Bmerican  /IDen  of 


Ov  Tet'^rj  ovSe  wSela  ovSe  aroal  oi>Se  6  rHjf 
a.ijjvx.<ai>  Kocrjuto?  ai  TroAets  etcriV,  aAA'  ai'fipes 
aurots  eiSorey  Qappeiv- 

AILI03   ARISTE.DES   <K9-18«   A.D.). 

NEITHER  WALLS,  THEATRES,  PORCHES,  NOR  SENSE 
LESS  EQUIPAGE,  MAKE  STATES,  BUT  MEN  WHO  ARE  ABLE 
TO  RELY  UPON  THEMSELVES. 


HENRY  KNOX 


OF   THF. 

UNIVERSITY 
ti& 


MAJOR-GENERAL  HENRY   KNOX. 

FROM    THE    PAINTING    BY    GILBERT    STUART,    IN    THE    MUSEUM    O 


A  SOLDIER  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

MAJOR-GENERAL  IN  THE  CONTINENTAL  ARMY,  WASHINGTON'S 

CHIEF  OF  ARTILLERY,  FIRST  SECRETARY  OF  WAR 

UNDER    THE  CONSTITUTION,    FOUNDER   OF 

THE  SOCIETY  OF  THE  CINCINNATI 

1750-1806 


BY 

NOAH  BROOKS 

Author  of  "Abraham  Lincoln,  and  the  Downfall  of  American  Slavery" 
"Washington  in  Lincoln's  Time,"  etc. 


ILLUSTRATED 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 
NEW  YORK  &  LONDON 
Cbe  Ikmcfcerbocfcer  press 

1900 


COPYRIGHT,  1900 

BY 
G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 


' 


Tlbe  *nfcherbochcr  press,  flew 


To 
THE  SOCIETY  OF  THE  CINCINNATI 

WHOSE    ENDURING    PATRIOTIC    INFLUENCE    AND    BENEFICENCE 

JUSTIFY    THE    WISDOM    OF    ITS    ORIGINATORS 

THIS    MEMORIAL    OF    ONE    OF    ITS    MOST    ILLUSTRIOUS    FOUNDERS 
IS    RESPECTFULLY    DEDICATED 


OF   THE 

UNIVERSITY 


PREFACE 


HE  author  of  this  volume  has  drawn 
his  materials  from  a  considerable 
number  of  sources;  but  his  principal 
storehouse  has  been  the  Knox  Man 
uscripts,  now  m  the  possession  of  the 
New  England  Historic  Genealogical  Society, Boston. 
This  valuable  collection,  comprising  nearly  twelve 
thousand  letters  and  other  documents,  has  been 
mounted  on  sheets  of  durable  paper  and  bound  up 
in  fifty-five  massive  folio  volumes;  its  preservation, 
after  years  of  exposure  to  the  vandalism  of  autograph- 
hunters  and  to  divers  vicissitudes,  is  due  to  the  lov 
ing  care  and  thoughtfulness  of  a  grandson  of  General 
Knox,  the  late  Admiral  Henry  Knox  Thatcher, 
U.  S.  N.  The  papers  were  for  a  time  in  the  custody 
of  Mr.  Charles  S.  Davies,  of  Portland,  Maine,  who 
began  a  memoir  of  Knox,  but  whose  failing  health 
interrupted  his  work  before  it  was  well  begun.  In 
like  manner,  Mr.  Joseph  Willard,  of  Boston,  began 
but  did  not  finish  a  similar  work,  in  the  preparation 
of  which  he  was  to  have  used  these  papers.  Finally, 
a  brief  biography  of  Knox  was  prepared  by  Mr. 
Francis  S.  Drake  for  the  Memorials  of  the  Massa- 


vi  Preface 

chusetts  Society  of  the  Cincinnati,  the  Knox  papers 
being  the  foundation  of  the  book,  of  which  only 
three  hundred  copies  were  printed.  Besides  these 
papers  and  Mr.  Drake's  work,  the  author  is  indebted 
to  the  documents  collected  by  Mr.  Davies,  afore 
mentioned,  and  now  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  David 
G.  Raskins,  Jr.,  of  Cambridge,  Mass.  The  Davies 
papers  are  in  the  custody  of  the  New  England  His 
toric  Genealogical  Society,  by  the  courtesy  of  Mr. 
Raskins,  a  grandson  of  their  zealous  collector. 
Eaton's  History  of  Thomas  ton,  Rockland,  and  South 
Tliomaston,  Maine,  Thacher's  Military  Journal,  and 
the  collections  of  sundry  historical  societies  of  Maine 
and  Massachusetts  have  also  been  of  great  use  in  the 
preparation  of  the  book. 

The  establishment  of  Montpelier,  as  Knox's 
family  seat  was  called,  in  the  township  of  Thomas- 
ton,  Maine,  was  an  event  of  importance  in  the  his 
tory  of  that  region.  To  this  day  the  counties  of 
Knox,  Lincoln,  and  Waldo  perpetuate  the  memories 
that  cluster  around  the  name  of  the  illustrious 
soldier,  who,  as  Washington's  Chief  of  Artillery  and 
his  trusted  friend  and  companion,  achieved  fame 
and  added  lustre  to  the  titles  which  he  bore.  As 
the  family  of  the  author  was  allied  to  that  of  Knox, 
tales  and  traditions  of  Knox's  greatness,  of  the 
state  which  he  maintained  at  Montpelier,  and  of  the 
generous  public  spirit  which  he  manifested  in  his 
Maine  home  formed  a  part  of  the  author's  earliest 
recollections.  To  gather  up  the  main  facts  in 
Knox's  life  and  energetic  public  service  has  there 
fore  been  a  labour  of  love;  and  the  author  ventures 


Preface 


Vll 


the  hope  that  this  labour  will  serve  its  purpose  and 
give  to  his  fellow-countrymen  a  tolerably  clear 
picture  of  the  personality  and  the  career  of  General 
Henry  Knox. 

CASTINE,  MAINE,  October,  1899. 


OF   THK 

UNIVERSITY 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  1  PAGE 

THE    SCHOOLING    OF    A    SOLDIER  ....          I 

Henry  Knox,  a  Boston  tradesman — Descended  from  the 
Knoxes  of  the  North  of  Ireland — Migration  of  his  father's 
family  to  Boston — Adventures  of  his  boyhood — The  ' '  Bos 
ton  Massacre  " — Brewing  of  the  storm — Knox  opens  a 
bookstore — Curiosities  of  the  time  and  trade — The  port 
of  Boston  closed  to  commerce — Knox's  invoices  of  books 
imported — His  bookstore  pillaged — His  enlistment  in  a 
train-band — Formation  of  militia  companies — Early  love 
passages — He  marries  a  daughter  of  a  Tory  house — An 
Epithalamium. 

CHAPTER  II 

THE    BREAKING    OF    THE    STORM  .  .  .  .27 

Lord  Percy's  excursion  from  Boston — Battle  of  Lexington 
— Knox  volunteers — He  meets  Washington  at  Cambridge 
— Lack  of  trained  engineers — John  Adams's  friendship  for 
Knox — A  glimpse  of  the  American  volunteer  officers — 
Knox's  adventurous  journey  to  Fort  Ticonderoga  and  his 
return  with  artillery — Entertaining  letters  en  route — Dor 
chester  Heights  fortified — The  British  driven  out  of  Bos 
ton — Poetic  tribute  to  Knox's  feat. 

CHAPTER  III 
MILITARY    OPERATIONS    AROUND    NEW    YORK       .  .       49 

Doings  of  "  The  Sons  of  Liberty  "—Knox  plans  defences 

for  the  coast  of  Connecticut — A  pen  picture  of  Admiral 

ix 


x  Contents 

PAGE 

Hopkins — Washington's  generals  at  New  York — The  bat 
tle  of  Long  Island — Flight  of  Mrs.  Knox — An  embassy 
from  Lord  Howe  to  "George  Washington,  Esq." — De 
pression  in  the  American  ranks — Trial  of  a  torpedo  boat — 
Evacuation  of  New  York — Fall  of  Fort  Washington — 
Greene's  sorrow — The  fight  transferred  to  New  Jersey. 

CHAPTER  IV 
THE    FIGHT    FOR    THE    JERSEYS  .  .  .  -75 

A  British  proclamation  of  amnesty — The  famous  American 
crossing  of  the  Delaware — Trenton,  Princeton,  and  Mor- 
ristown — Knox's  plans  for  an  arsenal  and  military  school — 
Arrival  of  French  volunteer  officers — Knox  threatened 
with  being  superseded — Protest  •  of  American  officers — 
Ducoudray  provided  for — The  plague  of  deserters  and 
•  "bounty-jumpers." 

CHAPTER  V 
THE   CONTEST   MOVES   SOUTHWARD    .  .  .  .96 

Howe  sails  for  Philadelphia — Washington  follows — The 
battle  of  the  Brandywine — Battle  of  Germantown — News 
of  Burgoyne's  surrender  cheers  the  American  camp — 
Valley  Forge — The  "  Conway  cabal  " — Washington's  com 
posure — Darkest  days. 

CHAPTER  VI 
IN    THE    DARKEST    DAYS    OF    THE    WAR         .  .  .     Il6 

Military  operations  wait  on  diplomacy — Another  British 
proposal  for  terms  of  peace — Howe's  evacuation  of  Phila 
delphia — The  Americans  take  possession  of  the  city — 
Battle  of  Monmouth — Arrival  of  D'Estaing's  fleet — Knox's 
privateering  ventures — Charges  against  Benedict  Arnold 
— Celebration  of  the  French  alliance — Knox's  family 


Contents  xi 

PAGE 

bereaved  by  death — Arrival  of  Rochambeau — Treason  of 
Arnold  and  execution  of  Andre — Mutiny  of  the  Pennsyl 
vania  line — Rochambeau's  march  to  the  Hudson  from 
Connecticut. 

CHAPTER  VII 
THE    BRITISH    SURRENDER    AT    YORKTOWN  .  .     146 

Washington's  grand  strategy — Knox's  artillery  brought 
into  action — His  letters  home — Junction  of  American  and 
French  forces — Elation  of  the  people  along  the  line  of 
march — The  enemy  beleaguered  in  Yorktown — Final  sur 
render  and  capitulation  of  Cornwallis  and  his  army. 

CHAPTER  VIII 
THE    END    OF    THE    WAR     ......     163 

Preliminary  Treaty  of  Peace  signed — Irritating  delay  of 
the  British — Fruitless  negotiation  for  exchange  of  prison 
ers — Knox  appointed  to  command  of  West  Point — Dissen 
sions  and  discontent  in  the  army — The  famous  "  Newburgh 
addresses" — Knox  as  a  peacemaker — He  organises  the 
Society  of  the  Cincinnati — Unfriendly  criticisms  of  the 
Order — Knox  in  command  of  the  army — Final  departure 
of  the  British  from  New  York — Knox  heads  the  column 
taking  possession  of  the  city — Washington's  farewell. 

CHAPTER   IX 
A    TRYING    INTERREGNUM  ...  .  .  .     l8o 

Knox's  plans  for  the  maintenance  of  the  army — Corre 
spondence  between  Washington  and  Knox  on  this  subject 
— Congress  appoints  Knox  Secretary  of  War — Shays's  re 
bellion — Proposals  for  a  new  Federal  Constitution  by 
Knox — His  plan  for  a  general  government — Ratification 
of  the  new  Constitution — Knox's  care  of  General  Greene's 
son — The  lad  sent  to  Lafayette. 


xii  Contents 

CHAPTER  X  PAGE 

IN  WASHINGTON'S  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION       .         .211 

Knox's  plan  for  a  national  militia — Popular  fears  of  a 
standing  army — Treaties  with  Indian  tribes — Friction  be 
tween  the  Executive  and  Legislative  Departments — Secre 
tary  Knox's  brief  speech  in  the  Senate — His  life  in  New 
York — He  retires  from  office — Personal  characteristics  of 
General  and  Mrs.  Knox. 

CHAPTER   XI 
THE    RETURN    OF    CINCINNATUS  ....     232 

Knox  fixes  his  place  of  residence  in  Maine — His  plans  for 
vast  undertakings — Troubles  with  squatters — Financial 
embarrassments — War  with  France  imminent — Knox  mor 
tified  by  being  placed  below  Hamilton  and  Pinckney  in 
military  rank — He  fills  sundry  civil  offices. 

CHAPTER  XII 
A    BUSY    LIFE    ENDED 255 

Death  by  an  untoward  accident — A  military  funeral — 
General  expressions  of  grief — His  last  will  and  testament 
— His  munificence  and  public  spirit — Estimate  of  his 
character. 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


MAJOR-GENERAL  HENRY  KNOX  .  .    Frontispiece 

From  the  painting  by  Gilbert  Stuart,  in  the  Mu 
seum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston. 

BIRTHPLACE  OF  HENRY  KNOX,   BOSTON,   MASS. 
Redrawn  from  an  old  print. 

THE  BOSTON  MASSACRE 

From  the  painting  by  Alonzo  Chappel. 

ARRIVAL  OF  KNOX  WITH  ARTILLERY 

From  a  design  by  F.  O.  C.  Darley. 

FACSIMILE  OF  AUTOGRAPH  OF  HENRY  KNOX      . 

STATUE  OF  ISRAEL  PUTNAM 

J.  Q.  A.  Ward,  Sculptor. 

THE   JUMEL   MANSION,    WASHINGTON    HEIGHTS,    NEW 
YORK         ........ 

ALEXANDER  HAMILTON 

MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN  SULLIVAN      .... 

MAJOR-GENERAL  PHILIP  SCHUYLER 

From  a  painting  by  Col.  John  Trumbull. 

JOHN  ADAMS  ....... 

AARQN  BURR 


12 

18 
32 

40 

54 
60 
62 

64 
68 


xiv  Illustrations 

PAGE 

STATUE  OF  NATHAN  HALE         .....          70 
By  Frederick  Macmonnies. 

MAJOR-GENERAL  CHARLES  LEE  ....          76 

From  an  English  engraving  published  in  1776. 

WASHINGTON'S  HEADQUARTERS,  POMPTON,  N.  j.       .       78 

BATTLE  OF  PRINCETON DEATH  OF  MERCER     .  .          84 

From  the  painting  by  Col.  John  Trumbull. 

MAJOR-GENERAL  HENRY  KNOX  !  .  .  -92 

From  the  study  for  the  original  painting  by  Gil 
bert  Stuart. 

THE  MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE  ....        104 

From  a  French  print,  1781. 

THE  CHEW  HOUSE,  GERMANTOWN,  PA.       .  .  .       108 

WASHINGTON  AT  MONMOUTH  .  .  .  .124 

From  a  design  by  F.  O.  C.  Darley. 

BENEDICT  ARNOLD  CARRIED  IN  EFFIGY     .  .  .        136 

THE  CAPTURE  OF  ANDRE  .....        138 

From  a  print  in  the  possession  of  Dr.  Coutant. 

COUNT  DE  GRASSE  .  144 

WEST  POINT  AT  THE  TIME  OF  THE  REVOLUTION          .       158 

Redrawn  from  Barber's  "  Historical  Collection." 

MAJOR-GENERAL  NATHANAEL  GREENE      .  .  .        162 

From  the  painting  by  Col.  John  Trumbull. 

HEADQUARTERS  OF  MAJOR-GENERAL  KNOX  AT  VAIL's 

GATE,  NEWBURGH,  N.  Y.3  .  .        174 

1  Reproduced  with  permission  from  the  original  painting  in  the  possession  of 
Mrs.  C.  W.  Stimpson. 

a  Reproduced  with  permission  from  King  Washington^  by  Adelaide  Skeel  and. 
William  H.  Brearley. 


Illustrations  xv 

PAGE 

WASHINGTON'S  FAREWELL  TO  HIS  OFFICERS     .         .178 

From  the  painting  by  Alonzo  Chappel. 

MAJOR-GENERAL  HENRY  KNOX  '         ....        212 

From  the  painting  by  Edward  Savage. 

"  MONTPELIER,"    THE     HOME     OF     GENERAL     KNOX, 

THOMASTON,  MAINE  8       .  ....       232 

MAJOR-GENERAL  BENJAMIN  LINCOLN          .  .  .       238 

THE  GRAVE  OF  HENRY  KNOX  AT  THOMASTON,  MAINE       256 

THOMAS  FLUCKER 260 

From  the  painting  by  John  Singleton  Copley,  in 
the  art  collection  in  Eowdoin  College. 

1  Reproduced  from  Drake's  Life  and  Correspondence  of  Henry  Knox. 

2  From  an  oil  painting  in  possession  of  Wm.  A.  Walker. 


GENERAL  HENRY  KNOX 


CHAPTER  I 

THE   SCHOOLING   OF  A   SOLDIER 

IT  is  not  easy  to  understand  why  a 
figure  so  commanding  and  a  charac 
ter  so  exalted  as  the  figure  and  char 
acter  of  General  Henry  Knox  should 
have  been  so  inconspicuous  in  the 
written  history  of  the  Republic.  Even  a  cursory 
examination  of  the  record  of  the  times  in  which 
Knox  lived  and  wrought  will  disclose  his  energetic 
personality,  his  pre-eminent  abilities,  his  lofty 
patriotism,  and  his  winning  manners.  Above  all, 
one  who  won  and  held  the  affection  and  esteem 
of  Washington,  as  Knox  did,  could  have  been  no 
common  man. 

As  Washington's  grand  character  was  perfected, 
if  not  evolved,  by  the  wonderful  events  of  the  first 
great  crisis  in  the  affairs  of  the  American  people,  so, 
in  the  storm  and  stress  that  accompanied  the  birth 
of  the  Republic,  the  person  of  Henry  Knox,  noble 


2  Henry  Knox 

and  majestic,  was  gradually  detached  from  the  less 
distinguished  of  his  fellow-men,  and  he  became,  by 
the  force  of  his  nature,  one  of  the  foremost  of  that 
glorious  company  of  military  heroes  whose  genius 
and  prowess  guided  the  American  people  from  a 
condition  of  colonial  dependence  to  one  of  national 
sovereignty.  The  hour  struck,  and  the  man 
emerged  from  obscurity  to  eminence.  The  young 
tradesman,  devoting  his  abundant  energies  to  the 
service  of  his  country,  and  sacrificing  ease,  comfort, 
and  the  prospects  of  affluence,  was  transformed  into 
a  soldier  well  versed  in  the  art  of  war,  familiar  with 
camps,  a  master  of  strategy.  His  merits  in  these 
pursuits,  so  unexpectedly  opened  before  him,  were 
very  great.  As  a  slight  reward,  he  gradually  rose 
to  the  highest  military  rank  then  known  in  the 
American  army  establishment.  He  began  his  public 
career  as  a  modest  militiaman;  he  ended  as  a  major- 
general  and  as  the  chief  officer  of  the  departments 
of  the  Army  and  the  Navy  of  the  United  States. 

At  this  distance  of  time,  the  career  of  such  a  man, 
so  filled  with  activity,  so  closely  connected  with  the 
history  of  his  country,  and  so  brilliant  in  the  rapid 
and  picturesque  development  of  a  famous  and  lov 
able  personality,  may  well  furnish  a  fascinating  sub 
ject  for  the  pen  of  the  biographer  and  the  study  of 
any  who  admire  manly  generosity  and  singleness  of 
purpose  in  a  good  cause.  The  life  of  Henry  Knox 
may  be  commended  to  future  generations  of  Ameri 
can  citizens  as  one  not  only  worthy  of  imitation  but 
also  endued  with  a  certain  atmosphere  of  romance 
which  allures  and  gratifies  the  student. 


The  Schooling  of  a  Soldier  3 

The  name  of  Knox  *  has  been  made  forever 
famous  by  the  stern  reformer  who  bore  it  in  the 
stormy  times  of  Henry  VIII.,  Elizabeth,  and  Mary 
Queen  of  Scots.  John  Knox,  the  reformer,  was  a 
native  of  the  district  of  East  Lothian,  Scotland,  and 
the  family  of  Henry  Knox  originated,  so  far  as  the 
family  records  have  been  traced,  in  the  adjacent 
Lowlands.  During  the  early  part  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  the  migration  of  many  Scotch  Presbyteri 
ans  to  the  north  of  Ireland  resulted  in  the  estab 
lishment  of  a  colony  whose  descendants  are  known 
in  England  and  America  as  the  Scotch-Irish.  Later 
in  the  century,  considerable  numbers  of  these  crossed 
the  seas  and  settled  in  various  portions  of  the  New 
England  States.  During  the  revolutionary  struggle 
these  people  were  identified  with  the  cause  of  human 
liberty,  into  which  they  threw  themselves  with  devo 
tion  ;  and  their  descendants  have  unto  this  day 
proved  the  sturdy  worthiness  of  the  stock  from 
which  they  sprang. 


*  One  of  the  Knox  family,  residing  on  the  family  estate,  County 
Tyrone,  north  of  Ireland,  was  raised  to  the  peerage  by  George  II., 
first  as  Baron,  Lord  Wells,  and  subsequently  as  Lord  Viscount 
Nothland.  This  personage,  after  the  American  Revolution  was 
over  and  the  independence  of  United  States  acknowledged,  court 
eously  offered  to  General  Henry  Knox  the  family  coat-of-arms,  his 
lordship  thinking  that  the  distinguished  American  had  ample  right 
to  armorial  bearings.  Knox  declined  the  offer,  saying  that  he  was 
"not  certain  that  he  was  entitled  to  be  regarded  a  cadet  of  a  dis 
tinguished  house."  He  preferred  to  bear  no  cognisance  but  his 
own.  His  daughter,  Mrs.  Thatcher,  says  :  "It  was  his  pride  to 
prefer  the  position  which  he  acquired  in  his  own  proper  sphere  and 
become,  so  far  as  Providence  should  please,  the  head  of  his  own 
house." 


4  Henry  Knox 

A  party  of  these  desirable  emigrants,  under  the 
spiritual  leadership  of  the  Rev.  John  Morehead, 
landed  at  Boston  in  1729.  They  founded  a  re 
ligious  society  in  Bury  Street,  and  it  is  a  curious 
historical  fact  that  the  first  two  names  on  the  baptis 
mal  records  of  the  parish  are  the  characteristic  ones 
of  Knox  and  Campbell.  These  two  families  were 
destined  to  be  united ;  for  William  Knox  was  mar 
ried  at  Boston,  in  February,  1735  (old  style),  to 
Mary,  daughter  of  Robert  Campbell.  William 
Knox  was  a  shipmaster,  and,  for  a  time  at  least, 
was  in  comfortable  circumstances,  owning  as  he  did 
some  wharf  property  and  the  house  in  which  his 
children  were  born,  a  two-story  wooden  building 
with  a  gambrel  roof,  situated  on  Sea  Street,  near 
the  foot  of  Summer  Street  and  opposite  the  head  of 
Drake's  Wharf.  Henry  was  the  seventh  of  ten 
sons,  and  was  born  July  25,  1750.  Only  four  of 
these  ten  boys  arrived  at  the  years  of  maturity ;  of 
these  the  two  elder,  John  and  Benjamin,  went  to 
sea,  but  never  returned  home,  and  their  ultimate 
fate  is  unknown.  William,  the  youngest  of  the 
family,  was  born  in  1756,  and  was  subsequently  as 
sociated  with  his  more  distinguished  brother  in 
various  ways  until  his  death,  which  took  place  in 
1797.  The  father  of  the  family  was  overtaken  by 
financial  misfortune  about  the  time  of  the  birth  of 
his  youngest  son ;  he  was  obliged  to  sell  his  house 
on  Sea  Street,  and  he  soon  after  went  to  St.  Eusta- 
tius,  in  the  West  Indies,  where  he  died  in  1762,  aged 
fifty  years.  His  widow  survived  him  nine  years, dying 
in  Boston,  December  14,  1771,  aged  fifty-three  years. 


The  Schooling  of  a  Soldier  5 

Henry  Knox  appears  to  have  been  a  stalwart 
youngster,  fond  of  manly  sports,  devoted  to  his 
mother's  welfare,  active  in  affairs  that  engaged  the 
attention  of  the  neighbourhood  in  which  he  lived, 
and  yet  withal  addicted  to  the  study  of  books  as 
well  as  of  men  and  business.  Left  fatherless  just  as 
he  was  about  to  be  graduated  from  the  Boston 
grammar-school,  young  Knox  found  himself,  with 
his  brother  William,  then  only  six  years  old,  the 
sole  support  and  stay  of  his  mother.  Leaving 
school,  he  took  a  place  in  the  book-store  of  Messrs. 
Wharton  &  Bowes,  in  Cornhill,  doubtless  consider 
ing  himself  very  fortunate  in  being  able  to  secure 
any  kind  of  employment  in  those  troublous  times; 
for  discontent  and  dissatisfaction  with  the  Imperial 
Government  was  beginning  to  seethe  in  the  colonies, 
and  signs  of  political  disturbance  were  multiplying 
in  the  land. 

But,  although  apprenticed  to  a  master  who  re 
quired  strict  attention  to  business,  young  Knox  con 
trived  to  acquire  a  considerable  stock  of  knowledge 
while  in  the  employment  of  the  booksellers'  firm. 
Surrounded  by  useful  books,  he  dipped  into  them 
with  the  eagerness  of  an  active  and  inquisitive  mind. 
He  deeply  studied  the  pages  of  Plutarch,  became 
well  versed  in  the  history  of  famous  generals  and 
warriors,  and  not  only  made  himself  tolerably 
familiar  with  the  classics  as  he  found  them  trans 
lated  into  English,  but  he  learned  to  speak  and 
write  the  French  language,  an  accomplishment 
which  he  found  very  useful  in  his  after-life. 

But  the  young  student  was  no  milksop.     We  find 


6  Henry  Knox 

him  an  active  figure  in  the  pastimes  and  diversions 
of  his  day  and  generation.  An  entertaining  incident 
is  related  to  show  his  stalwart  strength  and  his  spirit. 
Boston,  then  a  small  town,  was  divided  into  two 
rival  factions  —  the  Northenders  ,and  the  South- 
enders,  the  rivalry  and  the  division  being  more 
especially  apparent  among  the  boys  of  the  respective 
localities.  The  young  Bostonians  followed  the  ex 
ample  of  their  English  progenitors  in  the  celebra 
tion  of  Guy  Fawkes  Day,  the  5th  of  November, 
their  manner  of  celebration  being  known  as  Pope's 
Night.  Effigies  of  the  Pope  and  the  Devil  were 
borne  through  the  streets  on  wheeled  platforms,  or 
floats,  saluted  with  derisive  shouts  and  burning  gun 
powder.  When  the  procession  had  paraded  to  the 
satisfaction  of  the  mock  celebrants,  the  effigies  were 
committed  to  the  flames  of  a  bonfire  with  prodigious 
acclaim.  As  a  matter  of  course,  the  rivalry  of  the 
North  End  and  the  South  End  made  it  necessary 
that  there  should  be  two  pageants  of  this  kind ;  and 
also,  as  a  matter  of  course,  the  two  processions  finally 
encountered  each  other  on  some  neutral  ground  mid 
way  between  the  two  sections  of  the  town.  On  one 
occasion,  a  broken  wheel  disabled  the  vehicle  on 
which  the  effigies  of  Knox's  party  were  borne,  and, 
rather  than  submit  to  the  disgrace  of  withdrawing 
this  feature  of  their  celebration,  Knox  put  his 
shoulder  under  the  load  and  so  carried  it  through 
the  night  until  the  rival  procession  was  met  with, 
when  the  customary  pitched  battle  was  precipitated 
and  the  show  ended  in  the  capture  of  one  party's 
paraphernalia  by  its  rival  faction.  It  was  character- 


The  Schooling  of  a  Soldier  7 

istic  of  Knox  that  he  early  learned  to  put  his 
shoulder  to  the  wheel  of  any  enterprise  in  which  his 
abundant  zeal  was  enlisted. 

Knox  was  twenty  years  old  and  not  yet  "  out  of 
his  time  "  of  service  when  the  sanguinary  affray 
known  in  history  as  the  Boston  Massacre  took  place. 
The  citizens  of  Boston  had  been  greatly  irritated  by 
the  establishment  of  an  armed  garrison  in  their  city. 
Altercations  between  the  soldiery  and  the  people 
were  frequent,  and  the  spirit  of  bitterness  that  pre 
vailed  might  be  compared  to  a  fire  that  smouldered 
beneath  the  surface,  ready  to  break  out  on  the 
slightest  provocation.  A  squabble  had  taken  place 
on  the  night  of  March  5,  1770,  near  the  barracks  in 
which  the  British  soldiers  were  quartered,  in  the 
heart  of  the  city.  A  sentry  had  been  set  upon  by 
a  citizen,  and  other  soldiers,  rallying  to  the  support 
of  their  comrade,  armed  themselves  with  any  weapon 
that  came  handy  (shovels  and  tongs,  it  is  said); 
sufficient  excuse  for  the  gathering  of  a  mob  was 
evident,  and  a  vast  concourse  of  excited  people  soon 
assembled.  An  attack  was  made  upon  a  sentry  in 
front  of  the  custom-house  on  King  Street  (now  State 
Street),  and  a  squad  of  six  men  was  sent  to  the  re 
lief  of  the  beleaguered  soldier.  This  action  still 
further  inflamed  the  mob,  who  assailed  the  soldiers 
with  such  epithets  as  ' '  lobster-backs  ' '  and  ' '  bloody- 
backs,"  and  the  red-coated  infantrymen  were  de 
risively  invited  to  fire.  Captain  Preston,  who 
commanded  the  post,  was  absent  from  the  barracks, 
but  was  sent  for  in  haste,  and  when  he  arrived  upon 
the  ground  he  took  six  more  men  with  him  to  the 


8  Henry  Knox 

support  of  the  soldiers  who  were  on  duty  in  front  of 
the  custom-house. 

At  this  juncture,  young  Knox,  who  had  been 
visiting  friends  in  Charlestown  and  was  now  on  his 
way  home,  came  upon  the  scene.  He  exerted  his 
powerful  influence  in  favour  of  peace  and  attempted 
to  restrain  the  crowd  from  rushing  upon  the  soldiers. 
When  Captain  Preston  appeared,  Knox  passionately 
seized  him  by  the  coat  and  implored  him  "  for  God's 
sake  "  not  to  fire  upon  the  people  but  to  take  his 
men  back  into  the  barracks,  urging  that  the  officer's 
life  must  answer  for  any  life  that  might  be  taken  in 
the  event  of  an  armed  conflict.  Every  intelligent 
man  knew  perfectly  well  that,  according  to  English 
law,  the  soldiers  must  not  fire  unless  an  order  to 
that  effect  had  first  been  issued  by  a  civil  officer  to 
their  commanding  officer.  While  the  agitated  Pres 
ton  listened  to  the  remonstrances  of  Knox,  fully 
aware  of  the  justice  of  the  young  man's  position,  a 
soldier  was  struck  with  a  club  in  the  hands  of  a  citi 
zen.  Enraged  by  the  blow,  the  soldier  levelled  his 
piece  and  fired  without  orders.  This  was  the  signal 
for  random  firing  by  the  other  soldiers,  and  the  mob 
fled  in  wild  disorder.  As  a  result  of  the  volley, 
three  men  were  killed  instantly,  two  others  were 
mortally  wounded,  and  six  men  were  less  severely 
wounded.  The  Boston  Massacre  passed  into  history. 

The  ultimate  result  of  this  affray  was  the  removal 
of  the  British  troops  from  the  city,  and  the  post 
ponement  of  the  final  conflict  for  at  least  five  years. 
But  these  were  years  of  uneasiness  and  uncertainty 
in  the  American  colonies,  years  in  which  the  already 


The  Schooling  of  a  Soldier  9 

exasperated  feelings  of  the  people  were  still  further 
exacerbated  by  offensive  displays  of  the  power  and 
authority  of  the  Crown.  Undismayed  by  the  stormy 
aspect  of  the  political  sky,  however,  Knox,  having 
attained  his  majority,  resolved  to  go  into  business 
on  his  own  account.  His  modest  establishment  re 
ceived  the  somewhat  pretentious  name  of  The  Lon 
don  Book-Store,  and  its  opening  was  announced  in 
Edes  &  Gill's  Gazette,  July  29,  1771,  in  the  follow 
ing  terms: 

"  This  day  is  opened  a  new  London  Book-Store  by  Henry  Knox, 
opposite  Williams'  Court,  in  Cornhill,  Boston,  who  has  just  im 
ported  in  the  last  ships  from  London  a  large  and  very  elegant 
assortment  of  the  most  modern  books  in  all  branches  of  Literature, 
Arts,  and  Sciences  (catalogues  of  which  will  be  published  soon),  and 
to  be  sold  as  cheap  as  can  be  bought  at  any  place  in  town.  Also  a 
complete  assortment  of  stationery." 

Among  the  papers  of  Knox  are  the  original  in 
voices  of  goods  shipped  from  London  to  him  during 
the  few  years  that  intervened  between  his  opening 
his  book-store  and  his  departure  to  join  himself  to 
the  patriot  army.  Some  of  these  are  curiously  in 
teresting  as  indications  of  the  sort  of  literary  pabu 
lum  which  was  served  out  to  our  forefathers.  For 
example,  an  invoice  dated  at  London,  October  12, 
1771,  sets  forth  the  fact  that  there  has  been  shipped 
that  day  "  on  board  the  Pasti,  Capt.  Isaac  Cazneau, 
for  Boston,  in  New  England,  by  Tho's  Longman, 
Bookseller  in  London,  Three  Trunks  of  Merchandize 
on  the  account  and  risque  of  Mr.  Henry  Knox, 
Merchant  in  Boston. ' '  The  total  amount  of  the  bill 
is  £196  \js.  \^d.  The  books  appear  to  be  chiefly 


io  Henry  Knox 

devoted  to  law,  medicine,  and  politics,  with  a  plenti 
ful  sprinkling  of  works  on  divinity  ;  and  the  polemic 
disposition  of  the  New  Englanders  of  that  age  is 
evinced  in  the  items  of  printed  sermons  ordered  by 
the  young  bookseller  in  Boston. 

His  invoice  contains  twelve  copies  of  Dodd's  Ser 
mons  to  Young  Men,  an  item  which  is  balanced  by 
four  copies  of  The  Fool  of  Quality,  four  of  The  Lon 
don  Songster,  one  of  Smollett's  Quixote,  one  of  The 
Vicar  of  Wakefield,  two  of  Grandison,  one  of  Vol 
taire's  Lewis  the  XVth,  and  twenty-five  copies  of 
Armstrong's  ^Economy  of  Love.  Twelve  Bibles 
figure  in  this  unique  list,  and  the  considerable  item 
of  one  hundred  and  twenty  copies  of  Salmon's 
Grammar  would  suggest  that  young  Knox  had 
secured  a  contract  to  furnish  books  for  a  public 
school.  A  later  invoice  contains  fifty  copies  each 
of  Pamela,  Joseph  Andreius,  Tom  Jones,  Clarissa, 
and  Grandison,  items  that  clearly  indicate  the  char 
acter  of  the  fiction  read  by  the  staid  people  of  New 
England  in  those  days. 

Knox  added  stationery  to  his  stock  of  books,  and 
in  an  invoice  from  Wright  &  Gill,  of  London,  dated 
February  17,  1772,  the  total  amount  of  which  was 
£656  19^.  &/.,  we  find  German  flutes,  bread-baskets, 
telescopes,  "  protractors,"  dividers,  paper  hangings, 
"  moguls,"  and  standishes.  On  the  back  of  this 
invoice  is  the  following  endorsement:  "  Messrs. 
Wright  &  Gill  rely  upon  Mr.  Knox's  punctual  Re 
mittances,  and  he  may  be  assured  of  being  served 
on  the  best  of  terms."  It  is  worthy  of  note  that 
the  titles  Fool  of  Quality  and  Baxter's  Saint's  Rest 


The  Schooling  of  a  Soldier         11 

appear  in  nearly  every  one  of  the  invoices  shipped 
from  London  to  Knox  and  his  successor.  The 
works  of  Philip  Doddridge  also  appear  to  have  been 
greatly  in  demand  in  New  England  about  that  time. 
Another  illustration  of  the  literary  taste  of  the 
times  is  found  in  a  letter  addressed  to  Henry  Knox 
by  Henry  Sherburne,  who,  writing  from  Ports 
mouth,  N.  H.,  November  4,  1773,  asks  to  know  the 
prices  of  "  such  books  of  the  story-telling  sort  "  as 
he  may  have  for  sale,  the  prices  being  fixed  to  meet 
the  requirements  of  "  any  person  who  buys  20  vols., 
12  mos."  Mr.  Sherburne  warns  Mr.  Knox  that  he 
has  been  already  offered  some  books  at  very  reason 
able  rates.  His  list  includes 

"  I  Batchelor  of  Salamanca,  I  Anacreon,  I  Dickey  Gotham  and  Doll 
Clod,  I  Tristram  Shandy,  I  Peregrine  Pickle,  I  Collection  of  Stories 
— 2  vols.,  i  Collection  of  Dodsley's  Letters,  printed  about  the  end  of 
the  last  century,  in  which  are  Rochester's  Letters  to  his  friend, 
Henry  Saville." 

The  primitive  commerce  in  books  was  to  some 
extent  reinforced  by  exchanges  among  the  dealers 
in  such  wares  doing  business  in  American  towns. 
Thus  we  find  James  Rivington  writing  from  New 
York,  March  17,  1774,  offering  Knox  a  bargain. 
After  asking  Knox  to  get  Paul  Revere's  prices  for 
engraving  certain  plates,  Rivington  says:  "  I  am 
printing  many  little  Children's  Books  &  send  you  a 
specimen  of  Rob'  n  Crusoe  with  your  name  in  the 
title.  These  I  will  send  you  cheaper  than  you  can 
import  them." 

But  the  time  was  coming  when  such  pleasing 
fictions  as  Rob' n  Crusoe  and  Peregrine  Pickle  should 


12  Henry  Knox 

not  wholly  interest  the  American  colonists.  It  is 
instructive  to  note  the  gradual  change  in  public 
sentiment  and  thought,  as  the  times  wore  on,  to  more 
exciting  themes.  Men's  minds  were  directed  to  the 
study  of  politics,  and  the  invoices  and  advertise 
ments  of  Knox  and  others  showed  that  the  rights 
and  privileges  of  Parliament,  the  duties  of  citizens, 
English  law,  and  the  prerogatives  of  the  King  en 
grossed  the  attention  of  readers. 

One  can  readily  imagine  that  Knox's  London 
book-store,  stocked  as  we  know  it  to  have  been 
with  the  best  books  then  extant,  and  with  many 
elegant  trifles  of  the  day,  such  as  could  be  included 
in  the  very  elastic  category  of  "  stationery,"  was 
likely  to  become  popular  with  "  the  quality  "  of  the 
good  old  town  of  Boston.  Harrison  Gray  Otis, 
who  knew  Knox  with  some  degree  of  intimacy,  said 
of  his  establishment:  "  It  was  a  store  of  great 
display  and  attraction  for  young  and  old,  and  a 
fashionable  morning  lounge."  And  General  Henry 
Burbeck,  one  of  Knox's  contemporaries,  said: 
*  Knox's  store  was  a  great  resort  for  the  British 
officers  and  Tory  ladies,  who  were  the  ton  at  that 
period." 

One  of  the  frequent  customers  of  the  handsome 
and  gallant-looking  young  bookseller  was  Miss  Lucy 
Flucker,  a  bright  and  lively  member  of  the  fashion 
able  Tory  circles  of  Boston.  Her  father,  Thomas 
Flucker,  who  is  described  as  "  a  high-toned  loyalist 
of  great  family  pretensions,"  was  the  royal  secretary 
of  the  province,  and,  as  a  matter  of  consequence,  a 
personage  of  high  social  dignity.  Mr.  Otis  says 


n 


>  i 

DC 

tc 


The  Schooling  of  a  Soldier         13 

that  Miss  Lucy  "  was  distinguished  as  a  young  lady 
of  high  intellectual  endowments,  very  fond  of  books, 
especially  of  the  books  sold  by  Knox,  to  whose 
shelves  she  had  frequent  recourse,  and  on  whose 
premises  was  kindled,  as  the  story  went,  '  the  guilt 
less  flame  '  which  was  destined  to  burn  on  the 
hymeneal  altar,  '  despite  of  father  and  mother  and 
all  of  my  kin.'  '  The  Fluckers  were  of  a  French 
Huguenot  family  who  came  to  America  from 
England. 

Knox  found  time  to  indulge  in  outdoor  sports 
with  moderation,  notwithstanding  his  busy  life  as 
bookseller,  stationer,  and  bookbinder,  for  he  added 
this  latter  branch  of  industry  to  his  already  crowded 
store  and  shop.  In  the  summer  of  1773,  while  gun 
ning  on  Noddle's  Island,  now  occupied  by  East 
Boston,  he  lost  the  third  and  fourth  fingers  of  his 
left  hand  by  the  bursting  of  his  fowling-piece.  He 
was  afterwards  wont  to  conceal  the  maiming  of  his 
hand  by  the  skilful  winding  of  a  silk  handkerchief 
around  the  member.  Gilbert  Stuart,  when  he 
painted  the  half-length  portrait  of  Knox  which  is 
now  the  property  of  the  city  of  Boston,  artfully 
placed  the  left  hand  of  his  sitter  on  a  piece  of 
artillery  in  such  a  position  as  to  hide  the  loss  of 
the  two  fingers. 

When  Knox  remitted  to  the  surgeons  who  dressed 
and  cared  for  his  wounded  hand  the  generous  sum 
which  he  thought  should  recompense  them  (three 
guineas  to  one  and  five  guineas  to  another),  he  could 
not  refrain  from  expressing  his  gratitude  in  the 
somewhat  stilted  language  of  the  day. 


14  Henry  Knox 

"  Sir,"  he  wrote,  "the  mariner,  when  the  danger  is  past,  looks 
hack  with  pleasure  and  surprize  on  the  quicksands  and  rocks  which 
he  has  escaped,  and  if  perchance  it  was  owing  to  the  skillfulness  of 
the  pilot  or  great  activity  of  some  brother  seaman  on  board,  the 
first  ebullitions  of  his  gratitude  are  violent,  but  afterwards  settle  to 
a  firm  respect  and  esteem  for  the  means  of  his  existence.  So,  Sir' 
gratitude  obliges  me  to  tender  you  my  most  sincere  thanks  for  the 
attention  and  care  you  took  of  me  in  a  late  unlucky  accident " — with 
more  to  the  same  purport. 

Political  troubles  thickened  in  the  devoted  country 
that  was  so  soon  to  become  the  theatre  of  a  long 
and  exhausting  war.  Governor  Hutchinson,  wearied 
and  disgusted  with  the  popular  opposition  to  his 
administration,  resigned  his  office  and  went  to  Eng 
land  ;  he  was  succeeded  by  General  Thomas  Gage, 
whose  attitude  was  that  of  a  military,  rather  than  a 
civil,  functionary.  The  attempt  to  force  upon  the 
colonies  the  importation  of  cargoes  of  tea  on  which 
high  duties  were  to  be  paid  for  the  benefit  of  the 
British  East  India  Company,  still  further  exasper 
ated  the  people  and  hastened  the  crisis  that  was 
blackly  advancing  upon  the  sullen  belligerents. 
Knox,  writing  to  his  London  correspondents, 
Wright  &  Gill,  under  date  of  May  30,  1774,  said: 
"  If  the  act  to  block  up  this  harbour  should  con 
tinue  in  force  any  length  of  time,  it  must  deeply 
affect  every  person  in  Trade  here,  and  consequently 
their  Correspondents  on  your  side  of  the  water. 
But  it  is  expected  the  British  merchants  will  see 
their  own  interest  so  clearly  as  to  induce  them  to 
exert  their  whole  influence  in  order  to  get  so  unjust 
and  cruel  an  edict  repealed."  This  appeal  to  the 
evident  interest  of  the  British  business  men,  as  we 


The  Schooling  of  a  Soldier         15 

know,  was  ineffective,  although  others  than  Knox 
addressed  themselves  to  their  business  correspond 
ents  in  London. 

James  Rivington,  the  well-known  Tory  printer, 
bookseller,  and  newspaper  editor,  of  New  York, 
was  one  of  Knox's  correspondents,  and  that  worthy 
sent  Knox,  in  July,  1774,  a  consignment  of  five 
chests  of  the  hated  and  proscribed  Chinese  tea. 
Knox  declined  the  commission,  and  the  consign 
ment  was  subsequently  turned  over  to  another  per 
son.  Writing  to  Rivington  about  this  time,  Knox, 
after  closing  the  business  portion  of  his  letter,  adds 
a  postscript  in  which  he  says: 

"  I  forgot  my  politics — or  rather,  I  have  none  to  communicate  at 
present.  Things  seem  to  be  pretty  much  at  a  stand,  since  I  wrote 
you.  The  troops  encamped  on  the  common  keep  up  a  most  excel 
lent  discipline,  and  seem  cautious  that  no  affray  begins  on  their 
part.  The  Citizens,  taught  by  experience  to  be  quiet,  are  equally 
cautious  to  avoid  any  disturbance.  The  Non-Consumption  agree 
ment  or  the  solemn  league  and  covenant  has  made  a  very  rapid 
progress  since  the  Governor's  proclamation  forbidding  it  ;  by  the 
last  accounts  I  have  been  able  to  collect,  it  will  be  general  through 
out  this  Province,  New  Hampshire,  and  Connecticut.  The  New 
Acts  for  regulating  this  Government  will,  I  perfectly  believe,  make 
great  difficulties.  The  people  are  in  no  disposition  to  receive  an 
act  pregnant  with  so  great  evils.  What  mode  of  Opposition  will  be 
adopted,  I  do  not  know  ;  but  it  is  the  general  opinion  that  it  will  be 
opposed  ;  hence  the  key  to  the  formidable  force  collecting  here." 

By  the  enactment  into  law  of  the  obnoxious  Boston 
Port  Bill,  the  Home  Government  had  endeavoured 
to  close  the  port  of  Boston  against  all  commerce  ex 
cept  that  directly  licensed  by  the  imperial  author 
ities.  The  colonists  promptly  answered  this  by 


1 6  Henry  Knox 

entering  into  a  solemn  league  and  covenant  to  ab 
stain  from  the  consumption  of  all  goods  imported 
from  England.  This  action  on  the  part  of  the 
colonists,  of  course,  immediately  affected  the  busi 
ness  of  Knox.  Accordingly,  in  a  letter  from  him 
to  his  London  correspondent,  Thomas  Longman, 
bookseller,  in  November,  1774,  the  harassed  Boston- 
ian  writes : 

"  SIR, — I  have  received  yours,  per  Capt.  Callahan,  and  the  books 
in  good  order,  also  the  Magazines  to  August  inclusive.  I  am  sorry 
it  is  not  in  my  power  to  make  you  remittance  per  this  opportunity, 
but  shall  do  it  very  soon.  This  whole  Continent  have  entered  into 
a  General  non-Importation  agreement  until  the  late  acts  of  Parlia 
ment  respecting  this  Government,  &c.,  are  repealed,  which  will  pre 
vent  my  sending  orders  for  any  Books  until  this  most  desirable  end 
is  accomplished.  I  cannot  but  hope  every  person  who  is  concerned 
in  American  trade  will  most  strenuously  exert  themselves  in  their 
respective  stations  for  what  so  nearly  concerns  themselves.  I  had 
the  fairest  prospect  of  entirely  balancing  our  account  this  fall,  but 
the  almost  total  stagnation  of  Trade  in  consequence  of  the  Boston 
Port  Bill  has  been  the  sole  means  of  preventing  it,  and  now  the  non- 
consumption  agreement  will  stop  that  small  circulation  of  Business 
left  by  the  Boston  Port  Bill — I  mean  the  internal  business  of  the 
province.  It  must  be  the  wish  of  every  good  man  that  these  un 
happy  differences  between  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies  be  speedily 
and  finally  adjusted  ;  the  influence  that  the  unlucky  and  unhappy 
mood  of  the  Politicks  of  the  times  has  upon  trade,  is  my  only  excuse 
for  writing  concerning  them.  The  Magazines  and  the  new  publica 
tions  concerning  the  American  dispute  are  the  only  things  which  I 
desire  you  to  send  at  present,  which  I  wish  you  to  pack  together  well 
wrapped  in  brown  paper  as  usual." 

Knox's  first  bill  for  books  purchased  of  Longman 
amounted  to  £340,  and  the  total  amount  of  his 
purchases  from  that  house,  up  to  the  close  of  1772 
(four  months  less  than  two  years),  was  £2066.  The 


The  Schooling  of  a  Soldier          17 

political  troubles  alluded  to  in  the  foregoing  letter 
caused  such  a  falling-off  in  Knox's  orders  that  Long 
man's  sales  on  American  account  may  be  said  to 
have  almost  entirely  ceased.  It  was  in  vain  that  Eng 
lish  merchants  sought  to  modify  the  severity  of  the 
imperial  treatment  of  the  American  colonies,  hoping 
that  such  an  amelioration  would  redound  to  their 
own  advantage.  The  British  Government  was  irre 
trievably  committed  to  the  fatal  policy  of  force  and 
oppression.  Meanwhile  in  the  colonies  there  was 
by  no  means  an  undivided  front  presented  by  those 
who,  although  they  had  not  begun  to  see  clearly 
even  a  hope  of  independence,  were  resolved  upon 
opposition  to  British  rule.  It  was  an  age  of  pam 
phleteering;  the  press,  both  in  this  country  and  in 
England,  constantly  threw  off  thousands  of  broad 
sides  and  pamphlets — satiric,  argumentative,  humor 
ous,  and  ponderously  logical,  and  all  designed  to  aid 
the  cause  of  the  long-suffering  colonists,  or  that  of 
the  British  loyalists.  James  Rivington,  although 
fully  aware  of  the  fact  that  Knox  had  thrown  him 
self  with  ardour  into  the  struggle  of  the  colonists  for 
some  concession  of  their  rights,  wrote  to  the  book 
seller,  under  date  of  December  I,  1774,  offering  to 
send  him  copies  of  the  Tory  pamphlets  for  sale; 
but,  as  if  reflecting  that  Knox's  patriotic  impulses 
might  interfere  with  his  commercial  instincts,  he 
said: 

"  My  reasons  for  not  troubling  you  with  these  very  warm,  high- 
seasoned  pamphlets  is  that  your  very  numerous  friends  of  the  patriot 
interest  may  be  greatly  disgusted  at  your  distributing  them  ;  but 
if  you  are  not  so  very  nice,  as  I  supposed,  from  the  state  of  your 


1 8  Henry  Knox 

interest,  &c.,  and  are  willing  to  have  these  sort  of  articles,  I  will 
secure  them  for  you  from  time  to  time.  Pray  explain  yourself  on 
this  head  directly,  for  I  mean  to  show  every  expression  of  my  at 
tention  to  you." 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  Knox's  answer  to  this  in 
sidious  proposition  has  not  been  preserved ;  it  was 
undoubtedly  as  "  high-seasoned  "  as  any  of  Riving- 
ton's  Tory  pamphlets. 

While  we  are  on  the  topic  of  Knox's  business 
affairs,  we  may  as  well  anticipate  the  final  downfall 
of  his  bookselling  establishment.  After  Knox  had 
left  Boston  to  enter  the  patriot  army,  his  business 
was  conducted  by  his  younger  brother,  William. 
But  as  the  war  cloud  deepened,  Boston  was  occupied 
by  British  troops  and  the  civil  rule  was  displaced  by 
martial  law;  complete  license  was  allowed  the  sol 
diers  and  the  Tories  in  their  treatment  of  the  pro 
perty  of  the  recalcitrant  colonists.  Among  others, 
the  absent  Knox  was  a  sufferer  from  the  violence  of 
those  who  were  for  the  time  holding  rule  in  the  city. 
His  store  was  plundered  and  pillaged,  and  his  stock 
ruined.  Long  after  the  war  \vas  over  and  the  inde 
pendence  of  the  States  had  been  acknowledged, 
Knox  made  a  payment  on  his  account  with  Long 
man,  the  amount  paid  being  11,000  guilders,  or 
about  £1000.  This  did  not  square  the  account, 
however,  and,  owing  to  grave  financial  embarrass 
ments  that  overtook  him  late  in  his  life,  the  book 
seller-general  lett  a  portion  of  that  debt  unpaid  when 
sudden  death  cut  short  all  his  plans.  In  his  letter 
enclosing  a  draft  for  the  last  payment  made  by  Knox 
to  Longman,  dated  December  15,  1/93,  he  wrote: 


V£V> 

Vs 

KS 

.    ^ 
w 

!v^ 

N3        ^ 

f 

VJ 

\ 

v       -^ 

\ 

<u      ^  •< 

•>l  '  ^ 

$ 

\0v  • 

V    -Vw 

4 

^  ^ 

••^       ^ 

vl 

H 

^  ^ 

\ 

"^\ 
\ 

"•>Xx          V 

| 

r  \ 

•>* 

^ 

^. 

Vi 

^ 

^4 

-;!  > 

/  ,  15    .J 

itih 


\ 


OP  THR 

UNIVERSITY 


The  Schooling  of  a  Soldier         19 

"It  is  but  justice  to  myself  to  say  that,  while  I  experience  the 
strongest  sensations  of  gratitude  for  your  forbearance  and  liberality, 
it  is  with  extreme  inconvenience  that  I  pay  so  heavy  an  arrear  for 
property  destroyed  by  events  which  I  could  no  more  control  than  I 
could  the  great  operations  of  nature,  nor  am  I  more  responsible  for 
them  :  I  mean  the  war.  In  paying  you,  I  feel  inclination  and  duty 
blended  together.  Had  my  pecuniary  situation  admitted  the 
measure,  you  should  long  ago  have  received  the  amount  due." 

The  patriot  who  resented  the  war  brought  on  to 
subject  the  colonies  to  imperial  rule  was  yet  sensi 
tive  to  obligations  due  a  British  subject,  although 
the  property  represented  by  those  obligations  had 
been  destroyed  in  the  British  interest. 

One  dangerous  feature  of  the  times  was  the  activ 
ity  of  the  colonial  militia.  In  the  piping  times  of 
peace  the  British  Government  had  encouraged  a 
martial  spirit  among  the  colonists.  Several  com 
panies  of  militia  had  been  organised  in  Boston.  The 
earliest  of  these  was  "  The  Ancient  and  Honourable 
Artillery  Company,"  organised  in  1638.  Next  in 
order  of  age  came  the  Cadets,  organised  about  1754, 
and  composed  of  young  men  belonging  to  the  higher 
circles  of  Boston  society.  The  Cadets  were  popularly 
known  as  "  The  Governor's  Guards/'  as  they  acted 
as  escort  to  that  functionary  on  all  occasions  of  cere 
mony.  Knox,  at  the  age  of  eighteen,  had  joined 
the  artillery  company,  commonly  known  as  "  The 
Train."  This  organisation  was  largely  composed 
of  men  from  the  South  End,  and,  in  contradis 
tinction  to  the  Cadets,  its  members  were  chiefly 
drawn  from  the  ranks  of  mechanics  and  shop 
keepers.  The  artillery  was  commanded  by  Major 
Adino  Paddock,  a  chair-maker,  whose  shop  was  on 


20  Henry  Knox 

Common  (now  Tremont)  Street,  opposite  Boston 
Common.  Paddock  was  a  useful  and  efficient  drill- 
master,  and  his  company  received  valuable  instruc 
tion  from  the  officers  of  a  company  of  British  artillery, 
which,  having  entered  Boston  en  route  for  Quebec 
too  late  to  finish  the  journey  in  the  winter  of  1/66, 
remained  in  quarters  at  Castle  William,  Boston 
Harbour,  until  the  following  May.  Unwittingly, 
the  British  officers  were  schooling  the  militiamen 
whom  they  were  afterwards  to  meet  on  the  field  of 
battle;  fora  majority  of  the  officers  of  Paddock's 
command  were  afterwards  enrolled  in  the  patriot 
army,  and  served  under  Knox,  Gridley,  and  Crane. 
Paddock's  company  had  three  fine  brass  pieces, 
3-pounders,  that  were  probably  those  mentioned  in 
the  chronicles  of  the  time  as  having  been  brought 
over  from  England  on  the  brigantine  Abigail,  about 
the  date  of  the  formation  of  "  The  Train."  These 
guns  were  cast  in  England  from  two  old  cannon  sent 
over  for  that  purpose  by  the  General  Court  of  Mas 
sachusetts.  They  bore  the  arms  of  the  province,  and 
were  spoken  of  as  "  new  pieces  "  when,  on  the 
King's  Birthday,  in  1768,  they  were  fired  in  a  royal 
salute  during  a  parade  in  King  Street.  At  the  final 
breaking  out  of  the  War  of  the  Revolution,  these 
guns  were  stored  in  a  gun-house  on  West  Street. 
The  building  and  a  public  schoolhouse  were  sur 
rounded  by  a  high  fence  and,  after  the  times  grew 
more  and  more  stormy,  a  sentry  was  stationed  at 
the  door  of  the  gun-house.  General  Gage  had  ex 
pressed  his  intention  of  seizing  all  the  arms  of  the 
militia  of  Boston,  and  had  actually  begun  to  seize 


The  Schooling  of  a  Soldier         21 

the  military  stores  and  weapons  of  the  people  of  the 
province.  It  was  suspected  that  Paddock,  who  was 
a  Tory,  was  more  than  willing  to  surrender  the  brass 
pieces  of  his  company;  accordingly,  six  bold  young 
patriots,  one  of  whom  was  the  schoolmaster,  Abra 
ham  Holbrook,  took  advantage  of  the  temporary 
absence  of  the  sentinel  at  the  gun-house  to  remove 
the  guns  from  their  carriages  and  hide  them  in  the 
schoolhouse,  whence  they  were  subsequently  taken 
in  the  night  and  conveyed  to  the  American  lines. 
They  were  in  actual  service  during  the  entire  war, 
and,  while  General  Henry  Knox  was  Secretary 
of  War,  he  had  two  of  the  pieces,  then  dubbed 
"  Hancock"  and  "  Adams,"  suitably  inscribed  to 
indicate  their  pedigree.  In  the  course  of  time,  the 
guns  were  taken  to  the  chamber  at  the  top  of  the 
monument  on  Bunker  Hill,  where  they  remain  unto 
this  day. 

A  further  contribution  to  the  history  of  the  artil 
lery  company  in  which  Knox  received  his  first  les 
sons  in  gun  practice  may  be  found  in  the  records  of 
the  Committee  of  Safety,  which,  in  February,  1775, 
instructed  Dr.  Joseph  Warren,  who  was  subse 
quently  killed  at  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  to  as 
certain  how  many  of  Paddock's  men  "  could  be 
depended  upon  to  form  an  artillery  company  when 
the  Constitutional  Army  of  the  Province  should  take 
the  field,  and  that  without  loss  of  time."  The 
answer  to  Warren's  inquiry  is  not  a  matter  of  record, 
but  the  rosters  of  the  Army  of  the  Revolution  dis 
close  the  names  of  a  large  majority  of  Paddock's 
militiamen.  As  for  Paddock,  that  worthy  artillery- 


22  Henry  Knox 

man  stayed  in  Boston,  an  active  Tory,  until  its 
evacuation  by  the  royal  troops,  when  he  sailed  with 
them  to  Halifax.  He  was  afterwards  rewarded  by 
an  appointment  as  Inspector  of  Artillery  Stores, 
with  the  rank  of  Captain,  in  the  British  Army. 

Meanwhile,  an  offshoot  from  Paddock's  company 
was  formed  in  1772  by  the  organisation  of  another 
militia  troop,  known  as  the  "  Boston  Grenadier 
Corps,"  commanded  by  Captain  Joseph  Peirce. 
Knox,  who  was  now  twenty-two  years  old,  was  one 
of  the  founders  of  the  new  organisation,  and  was 
second  in  command  to  Peirce.  The  uniform  of  the 
corps  was  unusually  handsome,  and  the  bearing  of  its 
ranks  on  parade  was  the  subject  of  universal  praise. 
Even  the  British  officers  were  warm  in  praise  of  the 
corps,  the  members  of  which  were  from  five  feet  and 
ten  inches  to  six  feet  in  height.  We  may  be  sure 
that  Knox,  the  second  in  command,  who  was  of 
lofty  stature,  and  who,  according  to  the  local  chron 
icle  of  the  time,  was  4<  a  splendid  figure  in  uniform," 
attracted  the  admiring  glances  of  many  a  fair  maiden 
besides  those  of  Miss  Lucy  Flucker,  who  is  reported 
as  having  been  more  than  ever  enamoured  of  the 
handsome  and  gallant  young  bookseller  when  she 
beheld  him  clad  in  the  glorious  panoply  of  Mars,  his 
wounded  hand  "  handsomely  bound  with  a  scarf, 
which,  of  course,  excited  the  sympathy  of  the 
ladies." 

Even  in  the  midst  of  alarms,  the  love-making  of 
the  pair  went  bravely  on,  notwithstanding  the  oppos 
ition  of  the  aristocratic  Tory  family  of  Miss  Lucy. 
Knox  was  an  acknowledged  "  rebel  ";  he  had  cast 


The  Schooling  of  a  Soldier          23 

in  his  fortunes  with  a  cause  which  the  Fluckers  felt 
to  be  doomed  to  certain  loss  and  defeat ;  the  young 
swain  was  a  tradesman,  and  an  alliance  with  one  of 
plebeian  origin  and  seditious  inclinations  was  clearly 
to  be  regarded  as  not  only  obnoxious  to  the  family 
but  fraught  with  misery  to  the  young  lady.  She 
was  told  that  there  could  be  but  one  issue  to  the 
impending  conflict;  the  rebellious  colonies  would 
be  overwhelmed  by  the  vast  power  of  the  Imperial 
Government;  and  she  would  be  eating  the  bitter 
bread  of  poverty  while  her  wiser  sisters  would  be 
riding  in  their  coaches.  It  was  all  in  vain.  Miss 
Lucy,  now  eighteen  years  of  age,  had  a  will  of  her 
own,  and,  although  soundly  rated  by  her  parents, 
continued  to  maintain  to  Knox  the  tender  relation 
of  promised  bride.  It  is  evident  that  this  was  a 
"  love  match,"  and  both  parties  thereto  maintained 
toward  each  other  the  most  loving  and  affectionate 
relations  during  their  subsequent  life.  We  shall  see 
that,  even  up  to  the  time  when  old  age  might  be 
supposed  to  dim  the  flame  of  man's  ardour,  Knox 
habitually  addressed  his  wife  in  terms  which  suggest 
the  devoted  lover  rather  than  the  busy  man  of  affairs, 
the  well-ripened  husband  and  father. 

It  would  appear  that  the  pair  were  so  determined 
in  their  resolve  to  wed  that  an  elopement  would  have 
taken  place  if  the  parents  of  Lucy  had  not  finally 
been  induced  to  yield  their  reluctant  consent  to  the 
union  which  they  conscientiously  thought  to  be 
likely  to  turn  out  an  unfortunate  one  for  their 
daughter.  At  one  time,  correspondence  by  letter 
between  the  youthful  swain  and  his  inamorata  was 


24  Henry  Knox 

made  so  difficult  that  the  young  lovers  were  obliged 
to  resort  to  the  undutiful  device  of  a  secret  corre 
spondence.  In  one  of  his  notes,  dated  Monday 
evening,  March  7,  1774,  Knox  wrote: 

"I  wish  the  medium  of  our  correspondence  settled,  in  order  to 
which  I  must  endeavour  to  see  you,  when  we  will  settle  it.  What 
news  ?  Have  you  spoken  to  your  father,  or  he  to  you,  upon  the 
subject  ?  What  appearance  has  this  (to  us)  grand  affair  at  your 
house  at  present  ?  Do  you  go  to  the  ball  to-morrow  evening?  I  am 
in  a  state  of  anxiety  heretofore  unknown.  My  only  consolation  is 
in  you,  and  in  order  that  it  should  be  well  grounded,  permit  me  to 
beg  two  things  of  you  with  the  greatest  ardency  :  never  distrust  my 
affection  for  you  without  the  most  rational  and  convincing  proof — 
if  you  do  not  hear  from  me  in  a  reasonable  time,  do  not  lay  it  to  my 
want  of  love,  but  want  of  opportunity  ;  and  do  not,  in  consequence 
of  such  distrust,  omit  writing  to  me  as  often  as  possible.  .  . 
Don't  distrust  the  sincerity  of  your  Fidelio." 

Knox,  imbued  with  the  high-flown  sentiment  of  the 
time,  addresses  his  love  as  "  Speria. " 

The  inevitable  sequel  to  all  this  courting  (the  age- 
yellowed  missives  of  which  survive — pathetic  and 
tender  evidence  of  the  ardour  of  the  lovers,  long 
since  turned  to  dust)  may  be  found  in  the  following 
announcement  in  Edes  &  Gill's  Gazette  of  June  20, 
1774: 

"  Last  Thursday  (the  i6th)  was  married,  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Caner, 
Mr.  Henry  Knox  of  this  town,  to  Miss  Lucy  Flucker,  second 
daughter  to  the  Hon.  Thomas  Flucker,  Esq.,  Secretary  of  the 
Province." 

After  a  common  custom  of  the  times,  a  friendly 
poetaster  composed  these  epithalamic  lines  to  ac 
company  the  formal  announcement  of  the  marriage: 


The  Schooling  of  a  Soldier         25 

'  Blest  tho'  she  is  with  ev'ry  human  grace, 
The  mien  engaging,  and  bewitching  face, 
Yet  still  an  higher  beauty  is  her  care, 
Virtue,  the  charm  that  most  adorns  the  fair  ; 
This  does  new  graces  to  her  air  inspire, 
Gives  to  her  lips  their  bloom,  her  eyes  their  fire  ; 
This  o'er  her  cheek  with  brighter  tincture  shows 
The  lily's  brightness  and  the  blushing  rose. 
O  may  each  bliss  the  lovely  pair  surround, 
And  each  wing'd  hour  with  new  delights  be  crown'd  ! 
Long  may  they  those  exalted  pleasures  prove 
That  spring  from  worth,  from  constancy  and  love." 


The  young  pair  at  once  began  housekeeping, 
watched,  doubtless,  by  the  curious  eyes  of  the 
bride's  family,  who  were  certain  that  poverty  and 
disaster  were  in  store  for  one  who  had  so  rashly 
ventured  upon  the  uncertain  sea  of  matrimony  with 
a  rebel  and  a  tradesman.  Lucy  Flucker's  only 
brother  was  a  lieutenant  in  the  British  Army,  and, 
while  he  was  serving  the  cause  of  the  King,  his 
newly  made  brother-in-law  was  zealously  studying 
the  art  of  war  and  schooling  himself  for  the  service 
into  which  he  was  so  soon  to  enter.  Large  promises 
were  held  out  to  young  Knox  to  induce  him  to  take 
a  commission  in  the  royal  cause;  he  was  regarded 
as  too  desirable  a  man  to  be  lost  from  the  military 
service  of  the  King.  The  British  officer  who  had 
observed  with  admiration  the  evolutions  of  the  artil 
lery  company  of  which  Knox  was  second  in  com 
mand,  and  had  said  that  a  country  which  produced 
such  "  boy  soldiers"  as  he  could  not  readily  be 
brought  under  subjection,  only  gave  voice  to  the 
sentiment  that  pervaded  the  ranks  of  the  determined 


26 


Henry  Knox 


colonists.  Knox  was  one  of  many  well-equipped 
young  men  who  waited  for  the  signal  to  spring  to 
the  defence  of  the  country's  rights  and  serve  in  the 
field  the  cause  of  civil  liberty.  In  due  time  the 
hour  struck.  The  soldier  was  ready  when  the  signal 
sounded. 


CHAPTER  II 


THE    BREAKING   OF   THE    STORM 

1775-1776 


business  in  Boston  was  in  a 
fairly  prosperous  condition,  notwith 
standing  the  stormy  aspect  of  the 
times.  Although  the  sales  of  books 
fell  off  greatly  in  amount  and  import 
ance,  the  profits  of  the  stationery,  printing,  and 
binding  departments  of  his  trade  must  have  been 
considerable.  He  was  almost  without  a  competitor 
in  these  lines  of  business.  Paul  Revere,  the  North 
End  coppersmith  and  engraver,  was  one  of  a  com 
mittee  of  young  mechanics  who  cautiously  patrolled 
the  streets  by  night  to  watch  and  report  to  the 
patriots  outside  of  the  city  all  suspicious  movements 
of  the  Royal  Government  and  troops.  Knox,  as  a 
well-known  sympathiser  with  the  rebellious  colonists, 
was  kept  under  surveillance,  and  was  forbidden  to 
leave  Boston.  Although  there  is  no  record  of  the 
fact,  it  is  certain  that  he  was  actively  engaged  with 
others  in  watching  the  enemy  and  communicating 
with  friends  in  the  region  roundabout;  Cambridge, 

27 


28  Henry  Knox  [1775- 

Lexington,    and    Concord    being    then    centres    of 
'  rebel  "  activity. 

As  the  tension  between  the  colonists  and  the  royal 
authorities  was  increased,  the  towns  collected  their 
stores  of  powder,  lead,  and  musketry.  To  intimid 
ate  the  country  and  exercise  his  little  army,  Govern 
or-General  Gage  sent  out  from  Boston  to  Jamaica 
Plain,  a  village  about  four  miles  from  Boston,  five 
regiments  of  troops  under  the  command  of  Lord 
Percy  (afterwards  Duke  of  Northumberland),  the 
route  selected  being  purposely  circuitous,  and  cover 
ing  about  ten  miles.  It  was  expected  that  these 
troops  would  attack  the  magazines  of  the  Massachu 
setts  villages,  and  lively  anticipations  of  fighting  in 
earnest  were  entertained  by  the  patriots  both  inside 
and  outside  of  Boston.  But  the  military  diversion, 
for  such  it  proved  to  be,  came  to  an  end  without  any 
collision  of  arms.  Dr.  Joseph  Warren,  of  the  Com 
mittee  of  Safety,  sagely  reported  of  Percy's  expedi 
tion  that  it  marched  without  baggage  or  artillery. 
"  But,"  he  adds,  "  had  they  attempted  to  destroy 
any  magazines,  or  to  abuse  the  people,  not  a  man 
of  them  would  have  returned  to  Boston."  The 
storm  was  ready  to  break.  The  lines  were  drawn 
closer  and  yet  closer.  For  a  time,  the  exodus  from 
Boston  of  persons  who  identified  themselves  with 
the  patriot  cause  had  been  rather  encouraged  than 
forbidden ;  only  men  who.  like  Knox,  might  add 
real  value  to  the  gathering  force  of  the  malcontents 
in  the  rural  districts,  were  detained  by  special  or 
ders.  Now,  however,  the  Tories  complained  that 
the  flight  of  "  rebels  "  had  become  so  formidable  in 


The  Breaking  of  the  Storm          29 

numbers  that  there  was  danger  that  none  but  loyal 
ists  and  the  royal  troops  would  be  left  in  the  town, 
and  the  destruction  of  the  place  would  be  attempted 
by  the  host  outside.  A  positive  prohibition  of  all 
migration  from  the  town  was  accordingly  issued  by 
the  Governor-General. 

Percy's  expedition  of  observation  was  undertaken 
on  the  30th  of  March,  1775.  On  the  i8th  of  April, 
Gage  sent  a  force  of  eight  hundred  men  to  seize  and 
destroy  the  military  stores  collected  at  Concord  and 
Worcester.  The  order  was  to  be  executed  with 
secrecy  and  celerity,  the  expedition  setting  forth  in 
the  night.  How  the  surrounding  country  was 
warned  of  the  approach  of  the  redcoats  has  been 
celebrated  in  song  and  story.  Paul  Revere's  mid 
night  ride  to  rouse  the  people,  as  described  in 
Longfellow's  immortal  lyric,  was  undertaken  from 
Charlestown,  in  obedience  to  the  signal  of  two  lan 
terns  swung  in  the  belfry  of  the  old  North  Church, 
one  light  being  agreed  as  notice  that  the  British  had 
set  forth  by  land,  and  two  lights  indicating  that  the 
route  was  by  water.  John  Hancock  and  John 
Adams  were  housed  in  Lexington,  and  when  Paul 
Revere,  waking  the  captains  of  minute-men  on  his 
way,  had  told  them  of  the  impending  crisis,  he  rode 
on  to  Concord  to  notify  the  patriots  there  as 
sembled.  Falling  in  with  Dr.  Prescott,  who  was 
destined  to  play  an  important  part  in  the  military 
drama  then  opening,  Revere  swept  on  his  way.  He 
was  surrounded  by  a  party  of  British  officers,  taken 
prisoner,  and  carried  back  to  Lexington,  where  he 
arrived  only  a  little  while  before  the  column  of 


30  Henry  Knox  [1775- 

troops  whose  approach  he  had  signalled  came  upon 
the  scene.  Prescott  escaped  and  rode  on,  accom 
panied  by  William  Dawes,  to  rouse  the  countryside, 
which  was  speedily  in  arms.  At  last  "  the  shot 
heard  round  the  world  "  was  fired.  The  long,  long 
struggle  was  begun. 

The  march  of  the  minute-men  began  that  night, 
and  before  the  2Oth  of  the  month  arrived,  the  towns 
of  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  and 
New  Hampshire  had  concentrated  at  Cambridge  a 
little  army  of  resolute  and  determined  men.  On 
the  iQth  of  April,  just  one  year  after  his  marriage, 
Knox,  unable  longer  to  tarry  in  Boston  inactive 
while  his  brother  patriots  were  in  arms  and  eager  for 
the  fray,  secretly  left  the  town,  accompanied  by  his 
wife.  His  departure  was  undertaken  in  the  night, 
special  interdiction  on  his  movements  having  been 
laid  by  Gage.  Generous  offers  had  been  made  to 
him  to  induce  him  to  take  service  in  the  royal  forces. 
But,  turning  his  back  upon  all  such  blandishments, 
he  made  his  way  directly  to  the  colonial  headquart 
ers  at  Cambridge.  The  sword  which  he  had  worn 
in  the  militia  service  went  with  the  young  pair,  cun 
ningly  secreted  in  the  quilted  lining  of  Mrs.  Knox's 
cloak.  With  this  weapon  alone  was  the  young 
soldier  to  carve  out  his  fortunes.  For  better  or  for 
worse,  he  was  now  with  the  defenders  of  the  patriot 
cause. 

Repairing  to  the  headquarters  of  General  Artemas 
Ward,  who  was  then  in  command  of  the  "  rebel  " 
troops  about  Boston,  Knox  offered  his  services  as 
a  volunteer,  declining  any  special  commission. 


The  Breaking  of  the  Storm          31 

Virtually,  the  siege  of  Boston  now  began,  and  Knox, 
whose  studies  in  military  science  and  engineering 
were  now  made  available  for  the  good  cause,  planned 
and  superintended  a  line  of  fortifications  round  the 
town.  But,  while  the  movements  which  finally  cul 
minated  in  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  were  in  pro 
gress,  he  was  occupied  in  reconnoitring  services  in 
the  vicinity  of  Charlestown.  It  was  upon  his  reports 
that  the  orders  of  General  Ward  were  subsequently 
issued.  After  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  hostilities 
having  now  begun  in  earnest,  Mrs.  Knox  was  taken 
to  Worcester,  the  better  to  escape  the  perils  and 
dangers  of  a  residence  near  the  scene  of  hostile 
action  around  Boston.  It  was  at  this  time  that 
Knox's  talents  as  an  engineer  and  artillerist  were 
called  into  active  requisition.  Skilled  engineers 
were  greatly  in  demand  in  the  patriot  army,  and 
Knox,  who  appears  never  to  have  ceased  his  study 
of  the  military  science  most  requisite  to  his  pur 
poses  and  the  needs  of  his  country,  was  clearly  the 
master  spirit  in  the  execution  of  the  formidable 
works  that  now  began  to  surround  the  beleaguered 
town  of  Boston.  The  most  important  of  these  was 
a  fort  on  Roxbury  Neck,  known  as  Roxbury  Fort, 
commanding  the  sole  land  exit  from  the  besieged 
town. 

Even  while  the  smoke  of  the  battle  of  Bunker 
Hill  was  rising  on  that  hot  i/th  of  June,  1775,  the 
Continental  Congress,  assembled  in  Philadelphia, 
unwitting  of  the  tremendous  events  that  were  hap 
pening  in  the  North,  appointed  George  Washington, 
of  Virginia,  to  be  General  and  Commander-in-chief 


32  Henry  Knox  [1775- 

of  the  armies  raised  for  the  maintenance  and  defence 
of  American  liberty.  At  the  same  time,  Artemas 
Ward,  of  Massachusetts,  was  appointed  to  be  first 
Major-General  under  Washington ;  Horatio  Gates, 
of  Virginia,  was  appointed  Washington's  Adjutant- 
General,  with  the  rank  of  Brigadier-General ;  and 
Charles  Lee,  an  English  half-pay  officer,  was  made 
second  Major-General.  Before  the  month  ended, 
the  list  of  general  officers  was  filled  out  by  the  ap 
pointment  of  Philip  Schuyler  and  Israel  Putnam  to 
be  Major-Generals,  and  Seth  Pomeroy,  Richard 
Montgomery,  David  Wooster,  William  Heath, 
Joseph  Spencer,  John  Thomas,  John  Sullivan,  and 
Nathanael  Greene  as  Brigadier-Generals. 

Knox  still  remained  in  the  volunteer  service — a 
volunteer  in  the  very  strictest  sense  of  the  word, 
desiring  and  seeking  no  commission.  Immediately 
after  his  arrival  at  Cambridge,  where  he  took  com 
mand  of  the  army,  Washington  made  an  inspection 
of  the  works  erected  about  the  beleaguered  town  of 
Boston,  and  extracts  from  Knox's  letters,  written 
at  that  time,  indicate  the  admiration  with  which 
the  new  commander  viewed  the  fortifications  in  the 
construction  of  which  Knox  had  so  important  a 
share.  Writing  to  his  wife  under  date  of  "  Rox- 
bury  (Lemuel  Child's),  Thursday  morning,  6  o'clock, 
July  6,  1775,"  Knox  says: 

"Yesterday,  as  I  was  going  to  Cambridge,  I  met  the  generals, 
[Washington  and  Lee]  who  begged  me  to  return  to  Roxbury  again, 
which  I  did.  When  they  had  viewed  the  works,  they  expressed  the 
greatest  pleasure  and  surprise  at  their  situation  and  apparent  utility, 
to  say  nothing  of  the  plan,  which  did  not  escape  their  praise." 


STATUE  OF  ISRAEL    PUTNAM. 

J.    Q.  A.   WARD,  SCULPTOR. 


1776]       The  Breaking  of  the  Storm          33 

In  a  later  letter,  Knox  expresses  his  pleasure  at 
beholding  the  "  ease  and  dignity  "  with  which 
Washington  filled  his  exalted  station  as  Commander- 
in-chief ;  and  he  incidentally  mentions  that  he  has 
an  important  appointment  to  keep  with  the  General. 
Writing  under  date  of  July  nth,  Knox  refers  to  a 
foray  which  "  our  people  "  had  lately  made  upon 
Boston  Neck ;  and  he  adds  that  the  British  regulars 
were  in  such  a  state  of  trepidation  that  it  was  likely 
that  seven  hundred  and  fifty  men  could  have  then 
taken  full  possession  of  the  town.  He  adds:  "  The 
new  generals  are  of  infinite  service  in  the  army. 
They  have  to  reduce  order  from  almost  perfect 
chaos.  I  think  they  are  in  a  fair  way  of  doing  it. 
Our  army  still  '  affect  to  hold  the  army  besieged  ' ; 
and  will  effectually  continue  to  do  so."  The  phrase 
"  affect  to  hold  the  army  besieged,"  in  this  note,  is 
a  quotation  from  an  angry  proclamation  issued  by 
General  Gage,  June  12,  1775,  which  caused  much 
merriment  in  the  American  camp. 

Writing  to  his  brother  William,  who  still  remained 
in  Boston,  September  25,  1775,  Knox  says: 

"  Last  Friday,  Lucy  [Mrs.  Knox]  dined  at  General  Washington's. 
Last  Saturday,  let  it  be  remembered  to  the  honour  and  skill  of  the 
British  troops,  they  fired  104  cannon-shot  at  our  works,  at  not  a 
greater  distance  than  half  pointblank  shot, — and  did  what  ?  Why, 
scratched  a  man's  face  with  the  splinters  of  a  rail-fence  !  I  have 
had  the  pleasure  of  dodging  these  heretofore  engines  of  terror  with 
great  success  ;  nor  am  I  afraid  they  will  hit  me,  unless  directed  by 
the  hand  of  Providence." 

Writing  to  Governor  Trumbull,  of  Connecticut, 
November  2,  1775,  Washington  complains  of  the 


34  Henry  Knox  11775- 

lack  of  trained  officers  in  the  engineer  corps,  and 
says:  "  Most  of  the  works  thrown  up  for  the  de 
fence  of  our  several  encampments  have  been  planned 
by  a  few  of  the  principal  officers  of  the  army,  as 
sisted  by  Mr.  Knox,  a  gentleman  of  Worcester." 
And  on  the  8th  of  the  same  month,  the  Commander- 
in-chief  wrote  to  the  President  of  the  Continental 
Congress,  as  follows: 

"The  council  of  officers  are  unanimously  of  opinion  that  the 
command  of  the  artillery  should  no  longer  continue  in  Colonel 
(iridley  ;  and,  knowing  no  person  better  qualified  to  supply  his 
place,  or  whose  appointment  will  give  more  general  satisfaction,  I 
have  taken  the  liberty  of  recommending  Henry  Knox  to  the  con 
sideration  of  Congress." 

Richard  Gridley,  formerly  a  captain  in  the  Pad 
dock  artillery  organisation,  was  a  veteran  of  the 
French  and  Indian  war,  but  was  now,  by  reason  of 
age  and  infirmities,  incapacitated  for  further  active 
service.  Next  in  rank  to  Gridley  was  David  Mason, 
who  offered  to  serve  as  lieutenant-colonel  of  Wash 
ington's  artillery  if  Henry  Knox  might  be  commis 
sioned  colonel.  A  number  of  active  and  meritorious 
officers  in  the  artillery  generously  united  with  Mason 
in  urging  the  appointment  of  Knox  as  colonel.  He 
was  accordingly  appointed,  and  his  commission, 
dated  November  17,  1775,  reached  him  some  time 
later,  when  he  had  returned  from  an  arduous  expedi 
tion  to  Fort  Ticonderoga. 

In  these  later  days  of  strict  military  discipline  and 
schooling,  it  seems  singular  that  a  man  who  had 
never  had  the  advantages  of  a  military  education 
should  have  been  selected  for  the  trying  post  of 


The  Breaking  of  the  Storm          35 

chief  of  the  artillery  of  the  army.  The  Boston 
bookseller  suddenly  became,  not  only  a  colonel, 
but  the  head  of  an  arm  of  the  service  requiring  the 
most  thorough  and  practical  knowledge  of  military 
science.  The  wisdom  of  Washington's  appoint 
ments  was  justified  by  the  after-experience  of  the 
men  whom  he  selected  for  important  positions.  In 
the  case  of  Knox,  it  may  be  said,  his  appointment 
proved  to  be  one  of  profound  wisdom. 

The  force  under  Knox's  immediate  command, 
however,  was  not  very  large.  According  to  a  return 
made  in  November,  1776,  his  regiment  consisted  of 
twelve  companies  with  635  men  on  the  rolls.  The 
field  officers  were  Henry  Knox,  Colonel;  William 
Burbeck,  first  Lieutenant-Colonel  ;  David  Mason, 
second  Lieutenant  -  Colonel  ;  John  Crane,  first 
Major;  John  Lamb,  second  Major.  All  these, 
made  subsequently,  gave  a  good  account  of  them 
selves. 

John  Adams,  who  had  .known  Knox  in  Boston  as 
a  young  man  who  had  attracted  his  attention  by 
;<  his  pleasing  manners  and  inquisitive  turn  of 
mind,"  was  so  gratified  by  Knox's  determination 
to  take  an  active  part  in  the  war  as  a  commissioned 
officer,  that  he  wrote  to  him  from  Philadelphia, 
under  date  of  November  11,  1775,  as  follows: 

"  I  had  the  pleasure  of  a  letter  from  you  a  few  days  ago,  and  was 
rejoiced  to  learn  that  you  have  at  last  determined  to  take  a  more 
important  share  than  you  have  done  hitherto  in  the  conduct  of  our 
military  matters.  I  have  been  impressed  with  an  opinion  of  your 
knowledge  and  abilities  in  the  military  way  for  several  years,  and 
of  late  have  endeavoured,  both  at  camp,  at  Watertown,  and  at 


36  Henry  Knox  [1775- 

Philadelphia,  by  mentioning  your  name  and  character,  to  make  you 
more  known,  and  consequently  in  a  better  way  for  promotion. 

"  It  was  a  sincere  opinion  of  your  merit  and  qualifications  which 
prompted  me  to  act  this  part,  and  therefore  I  am  very  happy  to  be 
able  to  inform  you  that  I  believe  you  will  very  soon  be  provided  for 
according  to  your  wishes  ;  at  least,  you  may  depend  upon  this,  that 
nothing  in  my  power  shall  be  wanting  to  effect  it.  It  is  of  vast 
importance,  my  dear  sir,  that  I  should  be  minutely  informed  of 
everything  which  passes  at  the  camp  while  I  hold  a  place  in  the 
great  Council  of  America  ;  and  therefore  I  must  beg  the  favour  of 
you  to  write  me  as  often  as  you  can  by  safe  conveyances.  I  want  to 
know  the  name,  rank,  and  character  of  every  officer  in  the  army  ; 
but  more  especially  of  every  officer  who  is  best  acquainted  with  the 
theory  and  practice  of  fortification  and  gunnery.  What  is  compre 
hended  within  the  term  of  Engineer?  and  whether  it  includes  skill 
both  in  fortifications  and  gunnery  ;  and  what  skilful  engineers  have 
you  in  the  army  ;  and  whether  any  of  them,  and  who,  have  seen 
service,  and  when  and  where  ? 

"  I  want  to  know  if  there  is  a  complete  set  of  books  upon  the 
military  art  in  all  its  branches  in  the  library  of  Harvard  College, 
and  what  books  are  the  best  upon  those  subjects." 

This  interesting  letter  from  Adams  marks  the  be 
ginning  of  a  long  and  intimate  friendship  and  corre 
spondence  between  the  two  patriots.  In  later  years, 
as  we  shall  see,  John  Adams  reposed  in  the  discre 
tion  of  Knox  the  most  complete  and  unwavering  con 
fidence;  and  his  confidence  was  united  to  an  esteem 
that  never  once  halted  during  the  trying  times  of 
the  Revolution  and  the  formative  period  that  suc 
ceeded  the  armed  struggle.  From  this  period,  too, 
dates  the  lifelong  and  affectionate  friendship  that 
bound  together  Knox  and  Washington.  We  should 
bear  in  mind  that  although  Washington,  the  Vir 
ginian  aristocrat,  had  at  once  been  taken  into  the  af 
fection  of  the  people  of  New  England,  the  traditions 


The  Breaking  of  the  Storm          37 

of  the  social  caste  to  which  he  had  belonged  were 
not  likely  to  incline  him  unquestioningly  to  in 
timacy  with  one  who,  like  Knox,  had  been  born  and 
bred  a  tradesman,  no  matter  what  his  military  merit 
might  promise  for  him.  But  the  fact  remains  his 
torical  that  Henry  Knox  won  the  affection  of  Wash 
ington  as  no  other  man  (if  we  may  possibly  exclude 
Alexander  Hamilton)  ever  did.  The  letters  that 
passed  between  Washington  and  Knox,  from  this 
time  forth,  breathe  a  spirit  of  sincere  devotion  that 
is  not  common  among  men.  If  "  the  cold  heart  of 
Washington,"  of  which  some  historians  make  men 
tion,  had  no  warm  place  for  any  others,  it  is  certain 
that  the  two  patriots  to  whom  allusion  has  just  been 
made  were  very  dear  to  the  Commander-in-chief. 
There  must  have  been  something  fine  and  grand  in 
the  character  of  Henry  Knox  that  inspired  so  ex 
alted  an  admiration  and  so  deep  an  affection  as  that 
in  which  Washington  held  Knox. 

Just  here  we  may  anticipate  the  chronology  of 
our  story  to  quote  a  pleasant  passage  from  a  letter 
written  by  Miss  Dorothy  Dudley,  at  Cambridge, 
April  19,  1776,  to  her  friend  Miss  Esther  Living 
stone.  Describing  in  her  piquant  way  the  military 
celebrities  then  assembled  in  Cambridge,  the  writer 
says  of  Gen.  Nathanael  Greene  *  : 

"  He  is  rather  a  large  man,  with  a  face  indicating  fire  and  firmness, 
tempered  by  the  innate  goodness  which  looks  out  of  his  clear,  quiet 
eyes.  General  Harry  Knox  is  his  most  intimate  and  trusted  friend. 
The  two  were  almost  constantly  together  in  the  days  when  both 

*  From  Cambridge  in  1776,  compiled  by  D.  G.  Raskins,  Jr.,  and 
others. 


38  Henry  Knox  ['775- 

\vere  studying  the  art  of  war,  and  Mr.  Knox  kept  a  book-store  on 
Cornhill.  He,  like  his  friend,  is  the  soul  of  honour,  and  possessed 
of  a  manly  heart  brimming  with  benevolence." 

The  siege  of  Boston  had  now  (November,  1775) 
begun  in  earnest.  But  the  need  of  siege-guns  was 
severely  felt  by  the  patriot  army,  and  men  began 
to  cast  about  in  their  minds  for  some  means  to  pro 
cure  guns  of  sufficient  weight  and  range  to  throw 
shot  into  the  beleaguered  town.  The  fertile  and 
inventive  mind  of  Knox  conceived  the  daring  enter 
prise  of  sending  to  Fort  Ticonderoga,  on  Lake 
Champlain,  not  far  from  the  Canadian  frontier,  to 
drag  thence  the  supply  of  ordnance  captured  by 
Ethan  Allen  and  then  lying  there  unused.  Knox's 
plan  was  submitted  to  Washington,  who,  after  care 
ful  scrutiny,  gave  his  approval  to  the  difficult  and 
hazardous  undertaking.  Cannon  must  be  had  or 
the  siege  would  be  indefinitely  prolonged,  if  not 
ultimately  abandoned.  Knox's  plan  was  to  make 
the  journey  to  Fort  Ticonderoga  while  the  snow  and 
ice  combined  to  render  streams  passable  and  roads 
feasible  for  sleds  and  sleighs.  In  open  water,  he 
urged,  boats  could  be  employed,  and  the  total  ex 
pense  of  the  expedition  on  which  so  much  depended, 
and  which  could  be  successfully  carried  out,  need 
not  be  more  than  one  thousand  dollars.  This  sum 
was  fixed  as  the  limit  of  immediate  and  needful  ex 
penditure;  but  in  one  of  Knox's  account-books  we 
find  this  brief  and  comprehensive  entry:  "  For  ex 
penditures  in  a  journey  from  the  camp  round  Boston 
to  New  York,  Albany,  and  Ticonderoga,  and  from 
thence,  with  55  pieces  of  iron  and  brass  ordnance,  I 


The  Breaking  of  the  Storm          39 

barrel  of  flints,  and  23  boxes  of  lead,  back  to  camp 
(including  expenses  of  self,  brother,  and  servant), 
^520.  15-Sf. "  In  his  final  instructions  to  Knox, 
Washington  said  that  the  want  of  cannon  was  so 
great  that  "  no  trouble  or  expense  must  be  spared 
to  obtain  them." 

Knox  was  accompanied  on  his  long  and  difficult 
journey  by  his  brother  William,  then  about  nineteen 
years  old.  The  lad,  who  had  been  left  in  charge  of 
his  brother's  business  in  Boston,  had  made  his 
escape  to  the  insurgent  lines,  the  shop  and  stock  in 
trade  of  the  bookseller  on  Cornhill  having  been 
looted  by  the  British  and  Tory  residents.  He  was 
to  return  to  the  wreck  sooner  than  he  probably 
thought. 

Gen.  Philip  Schuyler,  of  New  York,  had  been  in 
structed  by  Washington  to  render  to  Knox  every 
possible  assistance  in  his  expedition  to  Ticonderoga; 
and  when  Knox,  after  securing  sundry  small  stores 
of  ordnance  in  the  city  of  New  York,  wrote  to  his 
wife  that  he  was  thankful  to  leave  so  "  expensive  " 
a  city,  he  made  his  way  to  Albany,  where  Schuyler 
was  then  living.  From  New  York  Knox  wrote  to 
Washington  recommending  that  an  establishment 
for  the  casting  of  brass  and  iron  cannon  be  fixed 
there,  "  where  it  could  be  expeditiously  and  cheaply 
done."  He  reached  Albany  December  i,  and  was 
cheered  on  his  way  by  General  Schuyler,  who  rend 
ered  great  assistance  then  and  afterwards  in  the 
way  of  securing  transportation.  The  winter  was 
severe,  the  roads  unbroken,  and  the  snows  deep. 
Oxen  in  large  numbers  were  necessary  for  the  hauling 


40  Henry  Knox  [1775- 

of  the  cannon  and  these  animals  were  secured  at 
considerable  trouble  in  the  thinly  inhabited  regions 
through  which  Knox  travelled. 

He  reached  Ticonderoga  on  the  5th  of  December, 
and,  at  once  collecting  the  coveted  ordnance,  began 
his  homeward  journey.  His  inventory  of  the  arms 
shows  that  he  took  away  eight  brass  mortars,  six 
iron  mortars,  one  howitzer,  thirteen  brass  can 
non,  thirty  iron  cannon,  a  barrel  of  flints,  and  a 
quantity  of  lead.  The  heaviest  of  the  artillery  were 
brass  18-  and  24-pounders,  and  iron  12-  and  18- 
pounders;  truly  a  noble  acquisition  for  the  expect 
ant  besiegers  of  Boston.  A  letter  from  Knox  to 
Washington,  dated  at  Fort  George,  December  i/th, 
gives  us  a  vivid  picture  of  some  of  the  difficulties 
encountered  on  the  homeward  trip.  He  says: 

"  I  returned  to  this  place  on  the  I5th,  and  brought  with  me  the 
cannon,  it  being  nearly  the  time  I  computed  it  would  take  us  to 
transport  them  here.  It  is  not  easy  to  conceive  the  difficulties  we 
have  had  in  transporting  them  across  the  lake,  owing  to  the  advanced 
season  of  the  year  and  contrary  winds  ;  but  the  danger  is  now  past. 
Three  days  ago  it  was  very  uncertain  whether  we  should  have  gotten 
them  until  next  spring,  but  now,  please  God,  they  must  go.  I  have 
had  made  42  exceeding  strong  sleds,  and  have  provided  So  yoke  of 
oxen  to  drag  them  as  far  as  Springfield,  where  I  shall  get  fresh  cattle 
to  carry  them  to  camp.  The  route  will  be  from  here  to  Kinderhook 
[New  York],  from  thence  to  Great  Barrington  [Mass.],  and  down  to 
Springfield.  I  have  sent  for  the  sleds  and  teams  to  come  here,  and 
expect  to  move  them  to  Saratoga  on  Wednesday  or  Thursday  next, 
trusting  that  between  this  and  then  we  shall  have  a  fine  fall  of  snow, 
which  will  enable  us  to  proceed  farther,  and  make  the  carriage  easy. 
If  that  shall  be  the  case,  I  hope  in  sixteen  or  seventeen  days'  time 
to  be  able  to  present  to  your  Excellency  a  noble  train  of  artillery." 

One  of  the  difficulties  encountered  on  the  way  to 


1776]       The  Breaking  of  the  Storm         41 

Albany  from  Fort  Ticonderoga  was  the  necessity  of 
ferrying  the  heavy  cannon  across  pieces  of  open 
water.  This  was  accomplished  by  means  of  "  gon 
dolas,"  as  the  flat-bottomed  scows  then  in  use  were 
called.  The  modern  "  gundalow  "  of  the  New 
England  coast  is  the  scow  that  has  derived  its  name 
from  the  sweep-propelled  craft  of  Venice.  Knox's 
hindrances  are  further  hinted  at  in  a  letter  which  he 
wrote  to  Washington  from  Albany,  January  5,  1776, 
as  follows : 

"  I  was  in  hopes  that  we  should  have  been  able  to  have  the  cannon 
at  Cambridge  by  this  time.  The  want  of  snow  detained  us  for  some 
days,  and  now  a  cruel  thaw  hinders  from  crossing  the  Hudson  River, 
which  we  are  obliged  to  do  four  times  from  Lake  George  to  this 
town.  The  first  severe  night  will  make  the  ice  sufficiently  strong  ; 
till  that  happens,  the  cannon  and  mortars  must  remain  where  they 
are.  These  inevitable  delays  pain  me  exceedingly,  as  my  mind  is 
fully  sensible  of  the  importance  of  the  greatest  expedition  in  this 


The  route  of  this  novel  expedition,  it  will  be 
seen,  lay  over  the  Green  Mountains  and  the  wild 
passes  of  that  range  and  down  through  the  hill 
country  of  New  England,  by  "  roads  that  never 
bore  a  cannon  before  and  have  never  borne  one 
since."  On  his  way  up  to  Ticonderoga  from  Al 
bany,  Knox  passed  a  stormy  night  sleeping  on  the 
floor  of  a  rude  log-cabin  which  served  as  a  wayside 
inn  for  chance  travellers  through  that  sparsely  popu 
lated  region.  His  bedfellow  was  Lieut.  John  Andre, 
who  had  been  taken  prisoner  by  Gen.  Richard 
Montgomery  at  St.  John's,  and  was  now  on  his  way 
to  Lancaster,  Pennsylvania,  to  await  an  exchange. 


42  Henry  Knox  [1775- 

It  was  a  strange  chance  that  brought  together  these 
two  men  under  the  same  blankets  in  a  remote  cabin 
in  the  wilderness.  Years  later,  Henry  Knox  was  to 
serve  on  the  military  tribunal  which  sentenced 
Andre  to  the  ignominious  death  of  a  spy.  Now,  all 
unconscious  of  what  Fate  had  in  store  for  them, 
they  passed  the  greater  part  of  the  night  in  conver 
sation.  Between  the  two  men  there  were  many 
points  of  resemblance.  Says  a  biographer  *  of 
Andre : 

"  Their  ages  were  alike  ;  they  had  each  renounced  the  pursuits 
of  trade  for  the  profession  of  arms,  each  had  made  a  study  of  his 
new  occupation,  and  neither  was  devoid  of  literary  tastes  and  habits. 
Much  of  the  night  was  consumed  in  pleasing  conversation  on  topics 
that  were  rarely,  perhaps,  broached  in  such  circumstances  ;  and  the 
intelligence  and  refinement  displayed  by  Andre,  in  the  discussion  of 
subjects  that  were  equally  interesting  to  Knox,  left  an  impression  on 
the  mind  of  the  latter  that  was  never  obliterated.  The  respective 
condition  of  the  bedfellows  was  not  mutually  communicated  till  the 
ensuing  morning  when  they  were  about  to  part ;  and  when  Knox,  a 
few  years  later,  was  called  on  to  join  in  the  condemnation  to  death 
of  the  companion  whose  society  was  so  pleasant  to  him  on  this  occa 
sion,  the  memory  of  their  intercourse  gave  additional  bitterness  to 
his  painful  duty." 

From  Albany,  under  date  of  January  5,  17/6, 
Knox  wrote  to  his  wife  a  lively  and  entertaining 
narrative  of  his  return  journey  up  to  that  point. 
After  a  brief  account  of  his  adventures  amidst  ice, 
snow,  forests,  and  blind  roads,  he  makes  this  digres 
sion  : 

"  A  little  about  my  travels.  New  York  is  a  place  where  I  think 
in  general  the  houses  are  better  built  than  they  are  in  Boston.  They 

*  \Vinthrop  Sargent,  Life  and  Career  of  Major  John  Andrt, 


1776]      The  Breaking  of  the  Storm          43 

are  generally  of  brick,  and  three  stories  high,  with  the  largest  kind 
of  windows.  Their  churches  are  grand  ;  their  college,  workhouse, 
and  hospitals  most  excellently  situated,  and  also  exceedingly  com 
modious  ;  their  principal  streets  are  much  wider  than  ours.  The 
people, — why,  the  people  are  magnificent  :  in  their  equipages,  which 
are  numerous  ;  in  their  house  furniture,  which  is  fine  ;  in  their  pride 
and  conceit,  which  is  inimitable  ;  in  their  profaneness,  which  is  in 
tolerable  ;  in  the  want  of  principle,  which  is  prevalent  ;  in  their 
Toryism,  which  is  insufferable,  and  for  which  they  must  repent  in 
dust  and  ashes.  The  country  from  New  York  to  this  place  [Albany] 
is  not  very  populous, — not  the  fifth  part  so  much  so  as  in  New  Eng 
land,  and  with  much  greater  marks  of  poverty  than  there.  The 
people  of  this  city,  of  which  there  are  five  thousand  or  six  thousand, 
are,  I  believe,  honest  enough,  and  many  of  them  sensible  people, — 
much  more  so  than  any  part  of  the  government  which  I  've  seen. 
There  are  four  very  good  buildings  for  public  worship,  the  remains 
of  capital  barracks,  hospital,  and  fort,  which  must  in  their  day  have 
been  very  clever. 

"Albany,  from  its  situation,  and  commanding  the  trade  of  the 
water  and  the  immense  territories  westward,  must  one  day  be,  if  not 
the  capital,  yet  nearly  to  it,  of  America.  There  are  a  number  of 
gentlemen's  very  elegant  seats  in  view  from  that  part  of  the  river 
before  the  town  ;  among  them  I  think  General  Schuyler's  claims  the 
preference,  the  owner  of  which  is  sensible  and  polite,  and  I  think 
has  behaved  with  vast  propriety  to  the  British  officers  who,  by  the 
course  of  war,  have  fallen  into  our  hands.  Certain  of  them  set  out 
for  Pennsylvania  yesterday,  among  whom  was  General  Prescott,  who 
by  all  accounts  behaved  exceedingly  ill  to  Colonel  Allen  of  ours,  who 
was  taken  at  Montreal.  Here  also  is  Major  Gamble,  who  wrote  the 
letters  from  Quebec  which  were  published  last  summer.  There  are 
in  all  about  sixty  commissioned  officers,  besides  about  twenty  of  the 
Canadian  noblesse,  who  appeared  as  lively  and  happy  as  if  nothing 
had  happened.  One  or  two  of  the  officers  I  pitied,  the  others  seemed 
concerned,  but  not  humbled.  The  women  and  children  suffer  amaz 
ingly  at  this  advanced  season  of  the  year.  It  is  now  past  twelve 
o'clock,  therefore  I  wish  you  a  good  night's  repose,  and  I  will  men 
tion  you  in  my  prayers." 

All  of  Knox's  letters  to  his  wife  breathe  the  sin- 
cerest  and  most  affectionate  devotion  of  the  married 


44  Henry  Knox  [1775- 

lover.      One   of   his   letters,   written   while   on    this 
arduous  journey,  begins  in  this  fashion: 

"  MY  LOVKLY  AND  DEAREST  FRIEND  : — Those  people  who  love  as 
you  and  I  do  never  ought  to  part.  It  is  with  the  greatest  anxiety 
that  I  am  forc'd  to  date  my  letter  at  this  distance  from  my  love,  and 
at  a  time  too  when  I  thought  to  be  happily  in  her  arms." 

We  may  be  sure  that  the  arrival  of  Knox  in  camp, 
with  the  "  noble  train  of  artillery  "  which  he  had 
promised  to  Washington,  was  hailed  with  prodigious 
acclaim.  From  that  moment  the  speedy  end  of  the 
British  occupation  of  Boston  was  determined.  Gage 
had  been  recalled  to  England  in  August  of  the  pre 
vious  year,  virtually  in  disgrace,  and  his  departure 
from  Boston  in  the  following  October  was  regarded 
by  the  patriots  in  the  light  of  a  victory  over  a  man 
whom  they  most  cordially  hated.  General  Howe 
was  now  in  command,  and  the  British  army  of  occu 
pation  was  harassed  by  sea  and  land.  A  little  navy 
had  been  improvised  by  the  New  England  colonies, 
and  a  series  of  reprisals  had  taken  place  between  the 
American  privateersmen  and  the  British  men-of-war. 
The  burning  of  the  open  and  unprotected  town  of 
Falmouth  (now  Portland),  Maine,  by  the  infamous 
Captain  Mo  watt,  had  convinced  the  patriots  of  other 
parts  of  the  colonies  that  although  contumacious 
Boston  was  to  be  severely  punished  for  its  stubborn 
resistance  to  the  royal  mandates,  war  was  to  be  car 
ried  into  every  part  of  the  colonies  on  the  continent. 
The  first  naval  battle  of  the  war,  as  it  is  usually 
called,  took  place  near  Machias,  Maine,  in  the  sum 
mer  of  177$'  when  John  Knight,  afterwards  an  ad 
miral  in  the  British  navy,  and  several  other  officers, 


I776J       The  Breaking  of  the  Storm          45 

were  taken  prisoners  and  sent  to  Washington's 
headquarters  at  Cambridge.  While  Knox  was  on 
his  memorable  expedition  to  Fort  Ticonderoga,  the 
patriots  captured  the  British  brigantine  Nancy, 
bound  to  Boston  from  London,  with  military  stores, 
among  which  were  two  thousand  muskets,  one  hun 
dred  and  five  thousand  flints,  thirty-one  tons  of 
musket-shot,  three  thousand  round  shot  for  12- 
pounders  and  four  thousand  for  6-pounders.  Guns 
of  this  calibre  were  in  the  train  brought  to  camp  by 
Knox. 

General  Ward  was  placed  in  command  of  a  move 
ment  upon  Dorchester  Heights,  commanding  the 
harbour  of  Boston,  which  was  determined  upon  now 
that  the  supply  of  artillery  was  so  amply  reinforced 
that  the  line  of  circumvallation  around  the  doomed 
town  was  well-nigh  complete.  The  immediate 
charge  of  details  was  intrusted  to  General  Thomas, 
and,  a  formidable  breastwork  having  been  thrown 
up,  a  vigorous  cannonading  opened  from  the  Ameri 
can  works  to  the  north  of  the  town,  on  the  night  of 
March  2,  1776,  and  was  continued  during  the  next 
two  ensuing  days.  The  ground  was  frozen,  and  four 
hundred  yoke  of  oxen,  under  cover  of  the  night, 
drew  the  ordnance  and  stores  needed  for  the  new 
batteries,  passing  unheeded  amidst  the  din,  with  the 
British  sentries  on  Boston  Neck,  scarcely  a  mile 
away. 

The  British  were  utterly  confounded  when,  by  the 
light  of  early  morning,  they  found  the  harbour  and  all 
of  the  southern  part  of  Boston  lyingunder  the  "rebel" 
guns  on  the  heights  of  Dorchester.  Evacuation 


46  Henry  Knox  [1775- 

was  forced  upon  Howe,  and,  after  using  indi 
rect  and  irregular  means  of  communicating  to  his 
besiegers  his  intention  to  leave  the  place  which  had 
been  made  too  hot  to  hold  him,  he  embarked  his 
troops,  nearly  nine  thousand,  all  told,  and  sailed 
away  to  Halifax.  He  took  with  him  eleven  hun 
dred  loyalists,  or  Tories,  who  had  been  subjected  to 
persecutions  from  their  neighbours  and  who  fled  from 
the  greater  wrath  to  come.  Most  of  these  made 
homes  for  themselves  in  Nova  Scotia  and  New 
Brunswick;  others  eventually  returned  to  England. 
Among  these  latter  were  the  Flucker  family.  But 
Secretary  Flucker  long  after  drew  his  salary  as  a 
royal  functionary  of  the  province  from  which  he  was 
a  fugitive.  In  a  letter  written  by  his  daughter  Lucy 
(Mrs.  Knox)  to  her  husband,  in  July,  17/7,  the 
dutiful  wife  but  rebellious  daughter  says:  "  By  a 
letter  from  Mrs.  Tyng  to  Aunt  Waldo,  we  learn  that 
papa  enjoys  his  £300  a  year  as  secretary  of  the  pro 
vince.  Droll,  is  it  not  ?  " 

Howe's  evacuation  of  Boston  took  place  on  the 
morning  of  Sunday,  March  17,  1776.  At  the  head 
of  his  army,  Washington  entered  the  town  by  the 
long  street  that  passes  down  "  the  Neck,"  an  avenue 
which  now  bears  the  name  of  the  great  commander 
whose  strategy  and  prowess  had  freed  the  town  from 
its  invader.  Howe's  troops  had  been  sorely  dis 
tressed  during  their  long  confinement  in  the  besieged 
town.  Even  fuel  was  scarce ;  several  churches  had 
been  used  for  secular  purposes,  and  the  old  North 
Church,  from  whose  belfry  had  been  shown  the 
signal  lights  of  Paul  Revere,  had  been  taken  down 


The  Breaking  of  the  Storm         47 

and  used  for  firewood.  Knox  rode  with  the  army 
into  the  town  of  his  birth,  and  we  are  led  to  believe 
that  his  brother  William  then  returned  to  Boston 
and  endeavoured  to  gather  up  some  of  the  remnants 
of  the  ruined  business  on  Cornhill.  At  any  rate,  the 
letters  passing  between  the  two  brothers  from  this 
time  forward  indicate  William's  residence  in  Boston. 

Great  was  the  rejoicing  of  the  colonists,  from  New 
England  to  Georgia,  over  the  wonderful  news  that 
the  British  had  been  driven  out  of  Boston.  But 
even  most  of  the  colonists  did  not  know  how  immi 
nent  was  the  danger,  up  to  a  very  late  period  of  the 
siege,  that  lack  of  ammunition  and  a  demoralisation 
of  the  patriot  troops  would  compel  an  abandonment 
of  the  operations  around  Boston.  Knox's  letters 
disclose  the  fact  that  there  was  a  great  scarcity  of 
powder,  and  that  the  disposition  of  some  of  the 
troops,  whose  time  of  enlistment  had  expired,  or 
was  about  to  expire,  was  little  short  of  mutinous. 
But  all  this  was  forgotten  in  the  contemplation  of 
the  signal  victory  which  had  been  achieved  over  the 
enemy.  The"  Union  Flag,"  as  Washington  called 
the  standard  first  hoisted  at  Cambridge,  January  2, 
1776,  now  floated  over  the  forts  and  public  buildings 
of  Boston  and  its  harbour. 

The  first  medal  in  the  numismatic  history  of  the 
American  colonies  was  ordered  by  Congress  to  be 
struck  in  honour  of  Washington's  victory.  It  was  of 
gold  and  bore  upon  its  face  a  representation  of 
Washington  and  his  generals  watching  from  Dor 
chester  Heights  the  exit  of  the  British  fleet;  Ameri 
can  troops  and  ordnance  are  in  the  middle  distance 


48  Henry  Knox  [177^ 

below;  and  the  proud  motto  of  "  HOSTIBUS  PRIMO 
FUGATIS  "  is  engraved  over  the  scene.  The  date 
beneath  is  "  Bostonium  Recuperatum,  XVII. 
Martii,  MDCCLXXVI."  Knox's  share  in  this 
famous  victory  was  duly  celebrated,  some  years 
later,  in  a  poem  descriptive  of  the  war,  written  by 
Mrs.  Sarah  Morton.  These  are  some  of  the  lady's 
lofty  lines: 

"  And  now  the  strong  Artillery  claims  its  birth, 
Terrific  guardian  of  the  trembling  earth, 
With  voice  of  vengeance,  and  tremendous  breath, 
That  wake  the  fiends  of  ruin,  flight,  and  death  : — 
What  daring  arm  directs  its  dangerous  way  ! 
What  Chief  beloved,  ye  brave  Columbians,  say  ! — 
'T  is  thine,  intrepid  Knox,  on  Glory's  car 
To  shield  the  ranks,  and  guide  the  vollied  war, 
And  thine  the  clime  of  Freedom's  early  boast, 
Where  the  cold  isthmus  joins  the  stormy  coast  ; — 
What  time  thy  much-enduring  country  draws 
Thy  active  valour  to  her  suffering  cause, 
Warmed  at  her  call,  in  winter's  dreary  reign 
Thy  hardy  step  explored  the  northern  plain  ; — 
I  see  thee  dauntless  tread  the  trackless  way, 
Where  frowning  forests  quench  the  glimmering  day, 
Through  the  bleak  wild,  and  up  boreal  steeps 
Where,  wrapped  in  frost,  the  stilled  artillery  sleeps, 
I  see  that  arm  its  ponderous  weight  prepare 
And  call  its  thunder  to  the  distant  war." 


CHAPTER   III 

MILITARY   OPERATIONS   AROUND    NEW    YORK 


HE  scene  of  active  operations  was  now 
transferred  to  New  York  and  New 
Jersey.  Since  the  autumn  of  1775, 
it  had  become  known  that  it  was  the 
intention  of  the  British  Government 
to  seize  New  York  and  the  Hudson  River.  While  a 
large  part  of  Lord  Howe's  fleet  proceeded  to  Hali 
fax  to  refit  and  recruit  after  the  evacuation  of  Boston, 
the  naval  vessels  were  detained  in  the  outer  harbour 
to  notify  incoming  English  craft  of  the  abandon 
ment  of  Boston  by  the  British  forces.  It  was  con 
fidently  and  reasonably  expected  that  a  descent 
upon  Long  Island  and  New  York  Harbour  would 
now  be  made,  and  Washington  at  once  despatched 
General  Charles  Lee  to  take  command  of  all  forces 
available  to  withstand  the  anticipated  invasion,  and 
to  fortify  the  place. 

Intense  excitement  had  pervaded  the  city  of  New 
York  when  the  news  of  the  evacuation  of  Boston 
reached  there,  '  The  Sons  of  Liberty,"  as  the 

49 


50  Henry  Knox  [1776 

more  active  of  the  patriot  volunteers  were  called, 
had  already  begun  to  harass  the  small  British  force 
then  lying  in  the  city,  the  tidings  from  Concord  and 
Lexington  having  roused  them  to  a  fever  heat.  Isaac 
Sears  and  John  Lamb,  two  of  the  leaders  of  these 
devoted  patriots,  had  made  themselves  specially 
obnoxious  to  the  Tories,  the  first  named  of  these 
having  headed  a  band  of  one  hundred  men  who, 
riding  in  from  New  Haven,  Conn.,  trotted  down 
Broadway  and  wrecked  the  printing-office  of  Riv- 
ington,  the  Tory  printer,  to  whose  correspondence 
with  Henry  Knox  we  have  already  had  occasion  to 
refer.  Rivington's  type  was  carefully  saved  and 
moulded  into  bullets  for  future  use.  So  great  was 
the  disorder  and  tumult  that  Tryon,  the  royal  Gov 
ernor,  fled  to  one  of  the  English  men-of-war  lying 
in  the  harbour. 

While  the  little  army  that  had  been  occupied  in 
the  siege  of  Boston  was  being  hurried  to  New  York, 
Knox  was  ordered  to  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island 
to  lay  out  fortifications  for  points  along  the  coast 
that  had  been  already  molested  or  threatened  by  the 
enemy.  His  wife  accompanied  him  a  part  of  the 
way  and  was  afterwards  sent  to  Norwich  and  sub 
sequently  to  Fairfield,  for  safety;  a  child,  Lucy 
Flucker,  had  been  born  to  the  young  couple,  and 
was  now  with  its  mother  in  Connecticut.  Mean 
while,  the  ill-starred  American  expedition  to  Quebec 
had  been  undertaken;  it  was  abandoned  in  the  early 
summer,  but  not  until  the  gallant  General  Thomas 
had  lost  his  life  by  smallpox  and  General  Richard 
Montgomery  had  been  killed  in  battle. 


1776]    Operations  around  New  York        51 

Writing  to  Washington  from  Norwich,  Conn., 
under  date  of  April  21,  1776,  Knox  says: 

"  In  passing  through  Providence,  Governor  Cooke  and  a  number 
of  principal  people  were  very  pressing  for  me  to  take  Newport  in 
my  way,  in  order  to  mark  out  some  works  of  defence  for  that  place. 
The  spirited  conduct  of  the  colony  troops  posted  there,  in  driving 
away  the  king's  ships,  alarmed  the  whole  colony  for  the  safety  of  its 
capital.  Knowing  your  Excellency's  anxiety  for  the  preservation  of 
every  part  of  the  continent,  I  conceived  it  to  be  my  duty  to  act  in 
conformity  to  their  wishes,  especially  as  I  could  get  to  Norwich  as 
soon  as  the  stores  that  set  out  on  the  I4th.  Accordingly,  I  went  to 
Newport,  and  marked  out  five  batteries,  which,  from  the  advant 
ageous  situation  of  the  ground,  must,  when  executed,  render  the 
harbour  exceedingly  secure. 

"Lieutenant-Colonel  Burbeck  declined  complying  with  your  Ex 
cellency's  orders,  alleging  that  the  province  had  settled  on  him  four 
shillings  sterling  per  day  during  life,  after  the  war  was  over,  which, 
if  he  went  out  of  the  province,  he  might  perhaps  lose.  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Mason,  who  came  with  the  ordnance  to  this  town,  being  in 
ill-health,  I  have  permitted  to  go  by  land." 

William  Burbeck,  it  will  be  remembered,  was 
chosen  first  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  Knox's  artillery 
regiment  at  the  time  of  Knox's  appointment. 
David  Mason,  who  now  succeeded  Burbeck,  had 
been  second  Lieutenant-Colonel.  Burbeck's  demur, 
which  so  much  resembles  the  protests  of  modern 
militia  officers  who  decline  to  pass  beyond  the 
borders  of  their  respective  States  when  called  by 
national  authority,  threw  him  out  of  Washington's 
army.  He  never  rejoined  Knox's  regiment,  but  re 
mained  in  the  employment  of  Massachusetts,  being 
in  command  of  Castle  William,  Boston  Harbour,  for 
many  years.  He  died  in  Boston,  July  22,  1785. 
Knox  proceeded  on  his  way  to  New  York,  and 


52  Henry  Knox  [177^ 

wrote  to  Washington  from   New   London,  Conn., 
April  24,  1776,  as  follows: 

"  In  consequence  of  your  Excellency's  directions,  I  am  employed 
in  looking  at  and  getting  the  necessary  information  respecting  the 
harbour,  in  which  I  shall  spare  no  pains.  I  mentioned  to  your  Ex 
cellency  Newport  harbour,  which,  in  conjunction  with  this,  will, 
when  fortified,  afford  a  safe  retreat  to  the  American  navy  and  their 
prizes  in  any  wind  that  blows.  They  are  equally  convenient  for 
ships  coming  from  sea  ;  and  if  the  wind  is  not  fair  to  go  into  one 
harbour,  they  may  go  into  the  other.  The  artillery  and  stores  are 
all  embarked  [for  New  York]  together  with  the  remaining  company 
of  my  regiment,  and  have  been  waiting  for  a  fair  wind  two  days. 

"Admiral  Hopkins  is  still  ii?  this  harbour,  and  I  believe  he  will 
be  obliged  to  continue  here  for  some  time.  He  has  this  day  received 
intelligence  that  four  ships  and  two  brigs  are  off  Montauk  Point  and 
Rhode  Island,  stationed  in  such  a  manner  that  but  one  appears  at  a 
time  and  each  is  able  to  come  up  to  the  assistance  of  the  others. 
The  captain  of  the  Cerberus  was  on  Block  Island  yesterday,  and 
told  a  man  there  that  he  was  waiting  for  Admiral  Hopkins,  and 
expected  in  four  days  to  be  joined  by  Captain  Wallace  and  his 
squadron." 

Admiral  Hopkins,  to  whom  Knox  refers  in  this 
letter,  was  the  famous  Esek  of  that  ilk.  Made 
commander-in-chief  of  the  fleet  organised  under  the 
orders  of  the  Continental  Congress,  he  now  nom 
inally  ranked  as  Admiral.  In  a  letter  to  his  wife, 
written  from  New  London,  at  this  time,  Knox  gives 
this  bit  of  description  : 

"  I  have  been  on  board  Admiral  Hopkins's  ship,  and  in  company 
with  his  gallant  son,  who  was  wounded  in  the  engagement  with  the 
Glasgow.  The  Admiral  is  an  antiquated  figure.  He  brought  to  my 
mind  Van  Tromp,  the  famous  Dutch  admiral.  Though  antiquated 
in  figure,  he  is  shrewd  and  sensible.  I,  whom  you  think  not  a  little 
enthusiastic,  should  have  taken  him  for  an  angel,  only  he  swore  now 
and  then." 


J776]    Operations  around  New  York        53 

There  were  many  points  of  resemblance  between 
Knox  and  Hopkins;  both  were  men  of  pluck  and 
energy,  and  both  were  born  fighters.  But  Hopkins 
early  came  to  grief  and  was  dismissed  from  the 
service. 

The  forces  under  Washington's  command  with 
which  he  was  to  protect  New  York  and  its  immedi 
ate  environs  consisted  of  about  ten  thousand  men  of 
all  branches  of  the  service.  These  were  scattered 
all  along  the  south  shore  of  Long  Island,  Brooklyn 
Heights,  Governor's  Island,  and  Harlem  on  the  one 
side  of  the  city,  and  as  far  north  as  Fort  Washington 
on  the  New  York  side  of  the  Hudson,  and  Fort  Lee 
on  the  Jersey  side  of  that  stream.  Most  of  the 
cannon  were  old,  honeycombed,  and  defective.  On 
the  loth  of  June,  1776,  Knox's  report  to  Washing 
ton  showed  that  he  had  fit  for  action  one  hundred 
and  twenty-one  cannon,  both  light  and  heavy,  re 
quiring  for  their  service  twelve  hundred  men.  His 
regiment,  present  and  fit  for  duty,  numbered  five 
hundred  and  twenty,  officers  and  men ;  and  he  re 
commended  that  a  draft  be  ordered  to  raise  the 
regiment  to  its  required  numerical  strength. 

Congress  had  divided  the  military  district  of  the 
Atlantic  seaboard  into  two  military  departments, 
General  Charles  Lee  being  ordered  to  the  command 
of  the  southern  department,  and  Lord  Stirling  left 
in  the  north  to  carry  out  the  plans  so  ably  mapped 
out  by  his  predecessor. 

Lord  Stirling,  whose  fortunes  were  to  be  so 
closely  identified  with  those  of  Knox  and  other 
American  patriots,  and  who-  served  with  them  until 


54  Henry  Knox  [177^ 

the  close  of  the  war,  was  a  native  of  New  York,  his 
family  name  being  William  Alexander.  His  title 
was  claimed  by  him  through  his  Scotch  descent,  an 
earldom  being  his  by  lineal  right.  Among  the  other 
famous  men  with  whom  Knox  was  now  associated 
in  the  defence  of  New  York  was  Alexander  Hamil 
ton,  not  yet  twenty  years  old.  He  was  captain  of  a 
local  artillery  company,  and  he  subsequently  dis 
tinguished  himself  by  covering  the  retreat  of  the 
American  army  to  Harlem  Heights  after  the  battle 
of  Long  Island,  and  by  his  masterly  activity  in  the 
construction  of  the  works  at  that  point.  Pie  was 
subsequently  appointed  aide  and  private  secretary 
to  Washington,  with  the  rank  of  Lieutenant-Colonel. 
Of  the  Major-Generals. commanding  was  Israel  Put 
nam,  who  had  left  his  plough  in  the  furrow  on  his 
farm  in  Pomfret,  Conn.,  when  tidings  of  the  fight 
at  Lexington  had  reached  him,  and  had  taken  a 
leading  part  in  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  He  was 
appointed  a  Brigadier-General  by  the  government  of 
Connecticut,  in  April,  1775,  and  was  made  a  Major- 
General  by  the  Continental  Congress,  June  17,  1775. 
Major-General  Heath  had  for  his  brigadiers  Thomas 
Mifflin  and  George  Clinton,  the  last  named  of  whom 
had  served  in  Canada  and  was  subsequently  Governor 
of  the  State  of  New  York,  and  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States.  Major-General  Spencer's  brigadiers 
were  S.  H.  Parsons  and  James  Wadsworth.  Lord 
Stirling  and  Alexander  McDougall  were  brigadiers 
under  Major-General  Sullivan,  and  Brigadier-Gen 
erals  Nix  and  Heard  were  next  in  command  to 
Major-General  Greene.  The  restless  and  ambitious 


ALEXANDER  HAMILTON 


i7?6]    Operations  around  New  York        55 

Aaron  Burr  had  at  first  attached  himself  to  the  mili 
tary  family  of  Washington,  but  a  mutual  dislike 
having  sprung  up  between  the  two,  Burr  withdrew 
and  joined  the  staff  of  General  Putnam,  whom  he 
served  as  aide  for  four  years,  with  the  rank  of  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel.  What  varied  fortunes  were  to  be 
fall  most  of  the  men  whose  names  have  here  been 
cursorily  mentioned  as  marshalled  on  the  feeble  line 
of  New  York's  defences! 

Lee's  plans  for  the  defence  of  the  Hudson  and 
the  East  River  were  considerably  enlarged.  A  line 
of  sunken  hulks  was  set  in  the  channel  between 
Governor's  Island  and  the  Battery,  and  similar  ob 
structions  were  laid  across  the  river  from  Fort 
Washington  (at  what  is  now  the  foot  of  i83d 
Street)  to  Fort  Lee,  on  the  Jersey  side  of  the  river. 

On  the  25th  of  June,  the  long-expected  arrival  of 
the  enemy  actually  took  place,  Lord  Howe  coming 
first  in  advance  of  his  Boston  army,  then  on  its  way 
from  Halifax.  He  was  followed  by  his  brother,  Ad 
miral  Howe,  with  troops  from  England ;  and  next 
came  the  Hessian  mercenaries,  eight  thousand  in 
number,  under  General  De  Heister.  WThen  the 
Boston  army  had  arrived  in  the  bay,  Howe's  total 
command  numbered  about  thirty-two  thousand 
men,  of  whom  not  quite  twenty-five  thousand  were 
reported  fit  for  duty.  The  Hessians,  however,  did 
not  arrive  until  the  middle  of  August,  although 
they  are  included  in  the  above  statement  of  General 
Howe's  forces.  At  the  lowest  estimate,  Howe's 
forces  outnumbered  those  of  Washington  by  at 
least  six  thousand  men. 


56  Henry  Knox  [177^ 

Learning  that  the  Americans  were  strongly  en 
trenched  on  Long  Island,  Howe  landed  on  Staten 
Island,  where  he  was  warmly  welcomed  by  Governor 
Tryon,  who  had  so  long  been  a  fugitive  from  the 
capital  city  of  the  province  over  which  he  had  been 
set  to  govern.  For  a  time  there  was  a  lull  before 
the  storm  that  was  so  soon  to  break;  but  even  this 
deceptive  tranquillity  was  occasionally  disturbed  by 
false  alarms.  It  was  momentarily  expected  that  the 
enemy  would  make  a  descent  upon  the  city  or  upon 
the  south  shore  of  Long  Island,  and  the  Narrows 
were  watched  with  feverish  anxiety  by  the  expect 
ant  patriots  along  the  shores  above.  During  the 
final  preparations  for  resisting  the  invader,  Knox  had 
permitted  his  wife  to  join  him  at  his  headquarters, 
which  were  at  the  point  now  known  as  No.  I  Broad 
way.  Here  they  passed  such  hours  of  affectionate 
intercourse  as  Knox  could  snatch  from  his  arduous 
duties.  A  letter  from  Knox  to  his  brother  William, 
then  in  Boston,  dated  July  11,  1776,  describes  one 
of  the  panics  that  overtook  the  residents  of  New 
York,  in  consequence  of  which  Mrs.  Knox  was  sent 
post-haste  to  Connecticut : 

"  DEAR  BILLY, — I  received  your  affectionate  letter  by  the  post, 
for  which  I  thank  you.  In  consequence  of  a  false  report,  my  Lucy 
and  her  babe  are  at  Stamford,  or  Fairfield,  where  she  writes  me  that 
she  is  very  unhappy,  and  wants  to  return  here  again,  which  would 
make  me  as  unhappy  in  contemplating  the  idea  which  you  had  of  her 
flight,  as  if  it  were  real.  Indeed,  the  circumstances  of  our  parting 
were  extremely  disagreeable.  She  had,  contrary  to  my  opinion, 
stayed  too  long.  From  the  hall  window,  where  we  usually  break 
fasted,  we  saw  the  ships  coming  through  the  Narrows,  with  a  fair 
wind  and  rapid  tide,  which  would  have  brought  them  up  to  the  city 


i7?6]    Operations  around  New  York        57 

in  about  half  an  hour.  You  can  scarcely  conceive  the  distress  and 
anxiety  that  she  then  had.  The  city  in  an  uproar,  the  alarm  guns 
firing,  the  troops  repairing  to  their  posts,  and  everything  in  the 
height  of  bustle  ;  I  not  at  liberty  to  attend  her,  as  my  country  called 
the  loudest.  My  God,  may  I  never  experience  the  like  feelings 
again  !  They  were  too  much  ;  but  I  found  a  way  to  disguise  them, 
for  I  scolded  like  a  fury  at  her  for  not  having  gone  before." 

Mrs.  Knox,  we  shall  see,  followed  the  General 
into  even  more  critical  phases  of  his  military  life 
than  this.  It  was  difficult  for  her  to  remain  long 
away  from  her  beloved  husband.  Another  alarm 
in  the  city  was  caused,  a  few  days  later,  by  the 
manoeuvres  of  a  portion  of  the  English  fleet.  As  if 
to  assure  his  wife  that  her  presence  in  New  York 
would  be  to  her  and  to  him  a  cause  of  constant 
apprehension,  Knox  wrote  to  her  this  account  of 
the  panic  of  July  I2th: 

"  I  thank  heaven  you  were  not  here  yesterday.  Two  ships  and 
three  tenders  of  the  enemy,  about  twenty  minutes  past  three,  weighed 
anchor,  and  in  twenty-five  minutes  were  before  the  town.  We  had 
a  loud  cannonade,  but  could  not  stop  them,  though  I  believe  we 
damaged  them  much.  They  kept  over  on  the  Jersey  side  too  far 
from  our  batteries.  I  was  so  unfortunate  as  to  lose  six  men  by  acci 
dents,  and  a  number  wounded.  This  affair  will  be  of  service  to  my 
people  ;  it  will  teach  them  to  moderate  their  fiery  courage." 

Lord  Howe  was  willing,  if  possible,  to  stop  the 
war  here  and  avoid  the  further  shedding  of  blood ; 
and  he  essayed  various  expedients  to  open  com 
munication  with  General  Washington  for  the  pur 
pose  of  ascertaining  the  basis  upon  which  peace 
could  be  negotiated.  But  the  Continental  Congress 
had  made  its  solemn  declaration  of  the  independence 
of  the  United  States,  and  there  was  no  authority  on 


5#  Henry  Knox  [i776 

this  side  of  the  Atlantic  to  concede  that  independ 
ence  as  a  basis  of  terms  of  peace.  In  a  letter  to  his 
wife,  dated  at  New  York,  July  15,  1/76,  Knox 
thus  relates  one  of  the  famous  historic  incidents  in 
which  he  had  part : 

"  Lord  Howe  yesterday  sent  a  flag  of  truce  up  to  the  city.  They 
came  within  about  four  miles  of  the  city,  and  were  met  by  some  of 
Colonel  Tupper's  people,  who  detained  them  until  his  Excellency's 
pleasure  should  be  known.  Accordingly,  Colonel  Reed  and  myself 
went  down  in  the  barge  to  receive  the  message.  When  we  came  to 
them,  the  officer,  who  was,  I  believe,  captain  of  the  Eagle  man-of- 
war,  rose  up  and  bowed,  keeping  his  hat  off :  '  I  have  a  letter,  sir, 
from  Lord  Howe  to  Mr.  Washington.'  '  Sir,'  says  Colonel  Reed, 
'  we  have  no  person  in  our  army  with  that  address.'  '  Sir,'  says  the 
officer,  '  will  you  look  at  the  address  ? '  He  took  out  of  his  pocket  a 
letter  which  was  thus  addressed  : 

"  'GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  ESQ., 

"  '  NEW  YORK. 
"  '  HOWE.' 

"  '  No  sir,'  says  Colonel  Reed,  '  I  cannot  receive  that  letter.'  '  I 
am  very  sorry,'  says  the  officer,  'and  so  will  be  Lord  Howe,  that 
any  error  in  the  superscription  should  prevent  the  letter  being  re 
ceived  by  General  Washington.''  '  Why,  sir,'  says  Colonel  Reed,  '  I 
must  obey  orders.'  '  Oh,  yes,  sir,  you  must  obey  orders,  to  be  sure.' 
Then,  after  giving  him  a  letter  from  Colonel  Campbell  to  General 
Howe,  and  some  other  letters  from  prisoners  to  their  friends,  we 
stood  off,  having  saluted  and  bowed  to  each  other.  After  we  had 
got  a  little  way,  the  officer  put  about  his  barge  and  stood  for  us  and 
asked  by  what  particular  title  he  chose  to  be  addressed.  Colonel 
Reed  said,  '  You  are  sensible,  sir,  of  the  rank  of  General  Washing 
ton  in  our  army?'  'Yes,  sir,  we  are.  I  am  sure  my  Lord  Howe 
will  lament  exceedingly  this  affair,  as  the  letter  is  quite  of  a  civil 
nature,  and  not  a  military  one.  He  laments  exceedingly  that  he  was 
not  here  a  little  sooner' ;  which  we  suppose  to  allude  to  the  declara 
tion  of  independence  ;  upon  which  we  bowed  and  parted  in  the  most 
genteel  terms  imaginable." 


i7?6]    Operations  around  New  York        59 

But  Howe  was  evidently  determined  to  have 
audience  with  Washington  through  some  of  his  own 
subordinate  officers.  On  the  22d  of  July  Knox 
wrote  to  his  wife  as  follows : 


"  On  Saturday  I  wrote  you  we  had  a  capital  flag  of  truce,  no  less 
than  the  adjutant-general  of  General  Howe's  army.  He  had  an 
interview  with  General  Washington  at  our  house.  The  purport  of 
his  message  was  in  very  elegant,  polite  strains,  to  endeavour  to  per 
suade  General  Washington  to  receive  a  letter  directed  to  George 
Washington,  Esq.,  etc.,  etc.  In  the  course  of  his  talk  every  other 
word  was,  '  May  it  please  your  Excellency,'  '  if  your  Excellency  so 
please'  ;  in  short,  no  person  could  pay  more  respect  than  the  said 
adjutant-general,  whose  name  is  Colonel  Paterson,  a  person  we  do 
not  know.  He  said  the  etc.,  etc.  implied  everything.  '  It  does  so,' 
said  the  General,  '  and  anything.'  He  said  Lord  and  General  Howe 
lamented  exceedingly  that  any  errors  in  the  direction  should  inter 
rupt  that  frequent  intercourse  between  the  two  armies  which  might 
be  necessary  in  the  course  of  the  service.  That  Lord  Howe  had 
come  out  with  great  powers.  The  General  said  he  had  heard  that 
Lord  Howe  had  come  out  with  very  great  powers  to  pardon,  but  he 
had  come  to  the  wrong  place-;  the  Americans  had  not  offended, 
therefore  they  needed  no  pardon.  This  confused  him.  After  a  con 
siderable  deal  of  talk  about  the  good  disposition  of  Lord  and  Gen 
eral  Howe,  he  asked,  '  Has  your  Excellency  no  particular  commands 
with  which  you  would  please  to  honour  me  to  Lord  and  General 
Howe  ? '  '  Nothing,  sir,  but  my  particular  compliments  to  both ' — 
a  good  answer. 

"  General  Washington  was  very  handsomely  dressed,  and  made  a 
most  elegant  appearance.  Colonel  Paterson  appeared  awe-struck,  as 
if  he  was  before  something  supernatural.  Indeed,  I  don't  wonder 
at  it.  He  was  before  a  very  great  man  indeed.  We  had  a  cold  col 
lation  provided,  in  which  I  lamented  most  exceedingly  the  absence 
of  my  Lucy.  The  General's  servants  did  it  tolerably  well,  though 
Mr.  adjutant-general  disappointed  us.  As  it  grew  late,  he  even  ex 
cused  himself  from  drinking  one  glass  of  wine.  He  said  Lord  Howe 
and  General  Howe  would  wait  for  him,  as  they  were  to  dine  on  board 
the  Eagle  man-of-war  :  he  took  his  leave  and  went  off." 


60  Henry  Knox  [1776 

On  the  nth  of  August,  Knox,  who  was  an  ex 
ceedingly  busy  man  at  this  time,  wrote  as  follows  to 
his  wife: 

"  You  wish  to  know  how  I  pass  my  time.  I  generally  rise  with  or 
a  little  before  the  sun,  and  immediately,  with  a  part  of  the  regiment, 
attend  prayers,  sing  a  psalm,  and  read  a  chapter  [in  the  Bible]  at  the 
Grand  Battery.  General  Putnam  constantly  attends.  I  despatch  a 
considerable  deal  of  business  before  breakfast.  From  breakfast  to 
dinner  I  am  broiling  in  a  sun  hot  enough  to  roast  an  egg.  Some 
times  I  dine  with  the  generals,  Washington,  Putnam,  Stirling,  etc., 
but  I  am  mortified  that  I  have  n't  had  them  to  dine  with  me  in  re 
turn.  However,  that  cannot  be.  I  go  to  bed  at  nine  o'clock  or 
before,  every  night." 

A  few  days  later,  having  received  from  Mrs.  Knox 
a  letter  in  which  she  made  some  rather  severe  criti 
cisms  of  the  manners  and  speech  of  the  Connecticut 
people  among  whom  she  was  temporarily  sojourn 
ing,  Knox  thought  it  needful  that  he  should  restrain 
her  freedom  of  comment.  It  will  be  recollected 
that  the  lady  was  described  by  those  who  knew  her 
as  a  person  of  exceeding  lofty  manners.  In  these 
later  days  she  would  have  been  described  by  the 
irreverent  as  "  stuck-up."  Her  sensible  and  loving 
husband  wrote : 

"  Take  care,  my  love,  of  permitting  your  disgust  to  the  Connecti 
cut  people  to  escape  your  lips.  Indiscreet  expressions  are  handed 
from  town  to  town  and  a  long  while  remembered  by  people  not 
blessed  with  expanded  minds.  The  want  of  that  refinement  which 
you  seem  to  speak  of  is,  or  will  be,  the  salvation  of  America  ;  for  re 
finement  of  manners  introduces  corruption  and  venality.  .  .  . 
There  is  a  kind  of  simplicity  in  young  States,  as  in  young  children, 
which  is  quite  pleasing  to  an  attentive  observer." 

It  was  during  this  time  of  pressure  and  anxiety 


MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   SULLIVAN. 


i77<>]    Operations  around  New  York       61 

that  Knox  was  obliged  to  carry  on  a  vigorous  corre 
spondence  with  John  Adams,  who  appears  to  have 
taken  very  seriously  to  heart  the  condition  of  the 
army  and  the  apparent  neglect  of  Massachusetts  men 
in  the  selection  of  general  officers.  On  the  I3th  of 
August,  Adams,  who  was  an  inveterate  grumbler, 
writes  from  Philadelphia  to  Knox  as  follows : 

"I  am  very  much  chagrined  that  the  Massachusetts  has  not  its 
proper  proportion  of  General  Officers.  I  Mash  I  was  better  acquainted 
with  the  Persons  and  Characters  of  the  Colonells  from  that  State. 
It  will  never  do  for  the  Massachusetts  to  furnish  so  many  Men,  and 
have  so  few  Generals  while  so  many  other  States  furnish  so  few  Men 
and  have  so  many  Generals." 

On  the  2  ist  of  August,  Knox,  writing  to  Adams, 
asks  when  it  is  proposed  to  re-enlist  the  army;  he 
also  laments  the  weakness  of  the  artillery  arm  of  the 
service  and  says  that  all  may  be  lost  in  consequence 
of  the  failure  to  supply  these  deficiencies.  Again, 
as  in  other  letters,  he  urges  that  the  army  must  be 
paid.  '  When  their  homes  were  invaded,"  he  says, 
"  they  fought  for  self-preservation.  Now  that  they 
are  moved  away  from  these,  they  naturally  consider 
that  those  who  do  not  fight  should  pay." 

Replying  to  this  letter,  Adams,  writing  on  the 
25th  of  the  same  month,  says:  "  Able  officers  are 
the  soul  of  an  Army.  Gentlemen  of  sense  and 
knowledge,  as  well  as  of  valour,  must  be  advanced. 
I  wish  you  would  give  me  in  confidence  a  list  of  the 
best  Officers  from  Massachusetts  with  their  charac 
ters.  This  may  be  delicate,  but  it  will  be  safe." 
Descending  to  details,  Mr.  Adams  asks  Knox  to  give 
him  the  "characters"  of  "Coll  Shepherd,  Coll 


62  Henry  Knox 

Henshaw,  and  Major  Brooks";  he  also  asks  if 
"  Austin  deserves  promotion  or  note."  These  let 
ters  from  Adams  indicate  to  some  degree  the  confid 
ence  which  that  sturdy  patriot  had  in  Knox,  as 
well  as  Adams's  desire  to  be  kept  intimately  in 
formed  concerning  the  personnel  of  the  army,  Massa 
chusetts  interests  being  more  especially  his  charge. 

On  the  22d  of  August,  the  British  forces  had  been 
transferred  from  Staten  Island  to  the  opposite  shore 
of  Long  Island,  the  landing  being  effected  at  Graves- 
end  Bay,  under  cover  of  the  guns  of  the  fleet.  On 
the  27th  of  the  month  began  the  series  of  military 
movements  which  are  known  in  history  as  the  battle 
of  Long  Island.  It  would  be  superfluous  to  narrate 
here  the  events  of  those  unfortunate  engagements; 
and  we  may  content  ourselves  with  quoting  the 
brief  account  of  the  disaster  given  by  Knox  in  a 
letter  to  his  wife,  written  on  the  28th : 

"  About  two  o'clock  in  the  morning  (yesterday),  the  enemy  at 
tacked  the  woods  in  front  of  our  works  on  Long  Island,  where  our 
riflemen  lay.  They  attacked  with  a  chosen  part  of  the  Hessians, 
and  all  the  light  infantry  and  grenadiers  of  the  army,  and  after  six 
or  seven  hours'  smart  skirmishing,  our  people  fell  back  in  front  of 
our  works.  The  enemy  lost  nearly  one  thousand  killed.  We  lost 
about  the  same  number,  killed,  wounded,  and  taken  prisoners,  among 
whom  are  General  Sullivan  and  Lord  Stirling.  General  Parsons  was 
missing  until  this  morning,  when  he  returned.  I  met  with  some  loss 
in  my  regiment :  they  behaved  like  heroes,  and  are  gone  to  glory. 
I  was  not  on  the  island  myself,  being  obliged  to  wait  on  my  Lord 
Howe  and  the  navy  gentry  who  threatened  to  pay  us  a  visit." 

Previous  to  the  opening  of  this  series  of  engage 
ments,  however,  it  appears  that  Knox's  habit  was 


MAJOR-GENERAL  PHILIP  SCHUYLER. 

FROM  A  PAINTING  BY  COL.  JOHN  TRUMBULL. 


J776J    Operations  around  New  York        63 

to  cross  over  to  the  Long  Island  shore  with  Wash 
ington  every  day  to  inspect  and  direct  the  lines  of 
defences  that  were  being  thrown  up  by  the  Ameri 
cans.  The  retreat  of  the  American  troops  to  New 
York,  conducted  under  the  immediate  direction  of 
Washington,  is  briefly  described  as  follows  by  one 
of  Knox's  contemporaries.  Dr.  Thacher  * : 

"After  this  unfortunate  skirmishing,  our  army  retreated  within 
their  lines  at  Brooklyn,  and  were  exposed  to  the  greatest  hazard  ; 
our  troops  fatigued  and  discouraged  by  defeat,  a  superior  enemy 
in  their  front,  and  a  powerful  fleet  about  to  enter  the  East  River, 
with  a  view  of  effectually  cutting  off  their  retreat  ;  but  an  interposi 
tion  of  Providence,  and  the  wisdom  and  vigilance  of  the  Commander- 
in-Chief ,  preserved  our  army  from  destruction.  Having  resolved  to 
withdraw  his  army  from  its  hazardous  position,  General  Washington 
crossed  over  to  the  Island  in  the  night  of  the  2Qth  of  August,  and  per 
sonally  conducted  the  retreat  in  so  successful  a  manner,  under  the 
most  embarrassing  circumstances,  that  it  is  considered  a  remarkable 
example  of  good  generalship.  A  circumstance  which  is  remarked  as 
manifestly  Providential,  is  that  a  thick  fog  enveloped  the  whole  of 
Long  Island  in  obscurity  about  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  while  on 
the  side  of  the  enemy  at  New  York,  the  atmosphere  was  perfectly 
clear.  Thus,  by  a  Providential  interposition  of  an  unusual  fog,  our 
army,  consisting  of  nine  thousand  men,  in  one  night  embarked  under 
great  disadvantages,  and  with  their  baggage,  provisions,  stores, 
horses,  and  the  munitions  of  war,  crossed  a  river,  a  mile  or  more 
wide,  and  landed  in  New  York  undiscovered  and  without  material 
loss.  The  enemy  were  so  near,  that  they  were  heard  at  work  with 
their  pickaxes,  and  in  about  a  half  an  hour  later,  the  fog  cleared  off, 
and  the  enemy  were  seen  taking  possession  of  the  American  lines." 

Sullivan  and  Stirling,  taken  prisoners  in  these 
operations,  were  subsequently  exchanged,  and  Sulli 
van  was  charged  by  Lord  Howe  with  a  mission  to 
the  Continental  Congress.  The  British  General 

*  Thacher,  Military  Journal,  p.  56. 


64  Henry  Knox  [1776 

could  not  treat  with  the  "  rebel  "  Congress  for 
terms  of  peace,  but  he  asked  that  a  number  of 
private  gentlemen  should  be  commissioned  to  confer 
with  him,  such  commissioners  to  be  members  of  the 
body  to  whom  he  addressed  his  message.  Benjamin 
Franklin,  John  Adams,  and  Edward  Rutledge  were 
accordingly  appointed 'to  serve  on  such  commission, 
and  these  gentlemen  had  an  interview  on  Staten 
Island  with  Lord  Howe,  the  issue  being,  of  course, 
resultless.  The  commissioners  firmly  insisted  that 
Congress  had  no  power  to  agree  that  the  people 
4  should  return  to  their  former  dependent  state." 

During  these  trying  times  the  depression  in  the 
American  ranks  was  very  great.  Washington  re 
tained  his  serene  temper,  so  violently  disturbed 
while  the  disorderly  and  blundering  retreat  to  the 
shores  of  Long  Island  was  in  progress.  Knox's 
letters  written  at  this  time  disclose  the  fact  that 
his  discouragements  were  chargeable  to  the  low 
standard  of  efficiency  among  the  subordinate  officers 
of  the  army  and  to  the  disorderly  and  unmilitary 
character  of  the  enlisted  men.  On  the  5th  of  Sep 
tember,  he  wrote  to  his  wife: 

"\Ve  want  great  men,  who,  when  fortune  frowns,  will  not  be  dis 
couraged.  God  will  I  trust  in  time  give  us  these  men.  The  Con 
gress  will  ruin  everything  by  their  stupid  parsimony,  and  they  begin 
to  see  it.  It  is,  as  I  always  said,  misfortunes  that  must  raise  us  to 
the  character  of  a  great  people.  One  or  two  drubbings  will  be  of  serv 
ice  to  us  ;  and  one  severe  defeat  to  the  enemy,  ruin.  We  must 
have  a  standing  army.  The  militia  get  sick,  or  think  themselves  so, 
and  run  home  ;  and  wherever  they  go  they  spread  a  panic." 

Washington's  faith  in  the  militia  had  been  shaken 


JOHN    ADAMS. 


->a^M 


1776]     Operations  around  New  York       65 

by  recent  experiences  on  Long  Island,  and  he  was 
disinclined  to  undertake  the  further  defence  of  New 
York  with  troops  so  untrustworthy  and  so  restive 
under  their  conditions.  The  men  were  "  badly  paid 
and  wretchedly  fed,"  according  to  the  statement  made 
to  Congress  by  Brigadier-General  John  M.  Scott. 
Even  when  Congress,  yielding  to  the  remonstrances 
of  the  general  officers  of  the  army,  consented  to 
"  raise  a  standing  army  to  consist  of  about  seventy- 
five  thousand  men,  to  serve  for  a  term  of  three  years, 
or  during  the  war,"  the  pay  of  a  private  soldier  was 
only  $6.67  per  month,  and  that  of  the  field  officers 
varied  from  fifty  to  seventy  dollars  a  month.  To 
encourage  enlistments,  however,  bounties  in  the 
shape  of  land  warrants  were  offered  in  addition  to 
small  sums  in  the  currency  of  the  times.  These 
land  warrants  varied  in  extent,  the  privates  receiving 
warrants  for  one  hundred  acres  for  service  during 
the  war,  and  the  officers  receiving  land  in  proportion 
to  their  respective  ranks,  from  two  hundred  to  five 
hundred  acres. 

The  unstudied  letters  of  Knox  to  his  wife,  min 
gling  as  they  did  matters  of  war  and  marital  affection 
and  confidence,  are  entertaining  reading.  It  was 
Knox's  habit  then  and  afterwards  to  preserve  all 
letters  that  came  into  his  hands;  and,  after  the  war, 
when  the  correspondence  which  had  passed  between 
him  and  his  wife  could  be  arranged  and  docketed, 
nothing  seems  to  have  escaped  his  careful  attention. 
Here  is  the  opening  paragraph  of  a  letter  dated  at 
New  York,  September  5,  1776:  "  My  dearest  hope, 
—I  received  your  entertaining  letter  with  all  the 


66  Henry  Knox  [177^ 

raptures  of  a  young,  passionate  lover.  The  senti 
ments  of  my  being  are  charming,  and  her  Harry 
blesses  the  moment  which  gave  him  such  a  rich 
treasure."  After  dwelling  upon  certain  domestic 
affairs  of  much  consequence  to  husband  and  wife, 
but  of  no  interest  to  the  present  generation  of 
readers,  Knox  passes  to  military  matters  in  this 
paragraph:  "  We  must  have  a  standing  army,"  and 
he  proceeds  to  give  good  reasons  why  this  is  im 
peratively  necessary. 

Knox  joined  with  Greene,  Putnam,  and  perhaps 
others  in  supporting  Washington's  determination  to 
abandon  the  further  defence  of  New  York.  But  a 
majority  of  a  council  of  war,  on  the  6th  of  Septem 
ber,  voted  to  hold  the  city  at  all  hazards.  Congress 
voted  to  leave  the  whole  question  to  the  decision  of 
the  Commander-in-chief,  and  on  the  I2th  of  the 
month  the  previous  action  of  the  council  was  re 
versed  and  preparations  for  an  immediate  evacuation 
were  carried  out  with  celerity.  This  was  not  begun 
a  moment  too  soon.  Howe,  aware  of  the  critical 
situation  of  the  American  troops,  had  already  moved 
his  ships  to  positions  enabling  them  to  bombard  the 
city  and  to  cut  off  the'  retreat  of  the  Americans  up 
Manhattan  Island.  On  the  I5th  of  September,  the 
British  troops  made  a  landing  at  Kip's  Bay,  about 
three  miles  above  the  city,  and  the  evacuation  was 
so  hurriedly  completed  that  Knox,  who  had  been 
busily  engaged  in  removing  ordnance  and  stores, 
narrowly  escaped  capture.  Encountering  Silliman's 
brigade  of  Connecticut  militia  retreating  in  great 
confusion  from  Corlaer's  Hook,  which  they  had 


i77<">]     Operations  around  New  York       67 

been  left,  with  other  troops,  to  protect,  Knox  at 
tempted  to  rally  the  demoralised  forces,  with  whom 
he  threw  himself  into  a  partly  finished  work  (known 
as  Fort  Bunker  Hill),  where  he  hoped,  as  he  said, 
"  to  make  a  gallant  defence,"  further  retreat  being 
thought  impracticable.  But  Colonel  Aaron  Burr, 
who  was  one  of  General  Israel  Putnam's  aides,  came 
riding  up  and  assured  the  troops  that  retreat  was 
still  possible  by  the  Bloomingdale  road.  He  guided 
them  to  this  line  of  retreat,  and  Knox,  seizing  a 
boat,  made  his  way  in  safety  up  the  East  River. 
Arriving  at  Harlem,  he  was  received  with  great 
acclaim  by  his  brothers-in-arms,  and  Washington, 
who  had  given  him  up  as  lost,  greeted  him  with  an 
affectionate  embrace.  It  was  on  this  retreat  that 
Mrs.  Murray,  whose  name  has  been  given  to  one 
of  the  hills  that  rise  to  the  north  of  what  is  now 
Thirty-fourth  Street,  served  well  the  patriot  cause 
by  entertaining  and  detaining  Howe  and  his  pursu 
ing  troops  at  her  hospitable  mansion.  Putnam  con 
ducted  the  retreat,  and  while  Howe  dallied  over  the 
refreshments  furnished  liberally  by  Mrs.  Murray, 
the  Americans  escaped  an  encounter  with  a  greatly 
superior  force.  Thacher  says:  "  Ten  minutes,  it  is 
said,  would  have  been  sufficient  for  the  enemy  to 
have  secured  the  road  at  the  turn,  and  entirely  cut 
off  General  Putnam's  retreat.  It  has  since  been 
almost  a  common  saying  among  our  officers,  that 
Mrs.  Murray  saved  this  part  of  the  American  army. " 
While  the  army  remained  on  Harlem  Heights, 
Knox's  labours  were  arduous  and  incessant.  Writ 
ing  to  his  brother  on  the  l£th  of  September  h§ 


68  Henry  Knox  [177^ 

he  says:  "  My  constant  fatigue  and  application  to 
the  business  of  my  extensive  department  has  been 
such  that  I  have  not  had  my  clothes  off  o'  nights 
for  more  than  forty  days."  In  the  same  letter  he 
says:  "The  rascally  Hessians  took  my  baggage 
waggon,  and  I  must  therefore  press  you  to  buy  me 
some  blue  cloth,  or,  if  that  is  not  to  be  had,  some 
brown  cloth  superfine."  One  of  the  curious  inci 
dents  of  the  time,  which  doubtless  engaged  the 
attention  of  the  overworked  engineer  and  artillery 
officer,  was  the  testing  of  an  invention  of  a  machine 
in  the  nature  of  a  submarine  torpedo,  designed  by 
Mr.  D.  Bushnell,  of  Connecticut,  who  gave  to  his 
machine  the  name  of  "  the  American  Turtle,  or 
Torpedo."  The  invention  was  in  the  nature  of  a 
submarine  boat  which  was  to  be  rowed  horizontally 
under  water  at  any  given  depth,  "  and  the  advent 
urer  concealed  within  might  rise,  or  sink,  as  occasion 
requires."  A  small  magazine  of  powder  was  at 
tached  to  the  boat  in  such  a  manner  that  it  might  be 
screwed  to  the  bottom  of  an  enemy's  ship  and  then 
exploded  by  means  of  a  clockwork  within  the  con 
trivance.  It  was  determined  to  make  an  experiment 
with  Bushnell's  torpedo  on  the  British  64-gunship 
Eagle,  then  lying  in  the  East  River.  The  experi 
ment  was  not  successful.  The  inventor  being  unable 
to  be  present  to  manage  his  machine,  a  sergeant 
who  had  volunteered  to  essay  the  undertaking,  was 
baffled  by  encountering  an  obstacle  in  the  hull  of  the 
ship.  Nevertheless,  the  magazine  did  explode  and 
General  Putnam  and  others  who  had  waited  with 
great  anxiety  for  the  result,  were  exceedingly  amused 


'> 


AARON   BURR. 


177^]     Operations  around  New  York       69 

with  the  astonishment  and  alarm  which  this  secret 
explosion  occasioned  on  board  the  ship."  Thacher 
says  that  it  was  the  general  opinion  that  "  this 
wonderful  machine  "  was  "  admirably  calculated  to 
execute  destruction  among  the  shipping";  but  no 
further  mention  of  it  is  made  in  the  chronicles  of 
the  time. 

After  a  series  of  skirmishes  with  no  important  re 
sults,  the  army  settled  down  to  a  condition  of  com 
parative  quiet  on  Harlem  Heights,  which  had  now 
been  tolerably  well  fortified.  Washington's  head 
quarters  were  established  at  the  mansion  of  Colonel 
Roger  Morris,  now  known  as  the  Jumel  Mansion,  on 
i6oth  Street,  east  of  Tenth  Avenue.  The  British 
were  in  full  possession  of  the  city  below,  the  Ameri 
cans  being  entrenched  on  the  southern  crest  of  the 
heights.  A  great  fire  broke  out  in  the  city  on  the 
2 1st  of  September,  and  the  devastation  was  more 
widespread  on  account  of  the  failure  of  the  fire- 
engines,  which  were  out  of  order;  hand-buckets  were 
the  sole  means  of  extinguishment  of  the  flames;  the 
alarm  bells  had  been  removed  by  order  of  the  Pro 
vincial  Congress.  Nearly  all  that  part  of  the  city 
lying  south  of  what  is  now  bounded  by  Chambers 
and  Barclay  Streets  was  destroyed,  and  five  hundred 
buildings,  among  them  Trinity  Church  and  the 
Lutheran  Church,  were  burned.  Incendiarism  was 
charged  upon  the  "  rebel  "  residents,  many  of  whom 
were  arrested.  In  the  midst  of  the  excitement,  a 
patriotic  soldier,  Nathan  Hale,  of  Connecticut,  was 
arrested,  tried,  convicted,  and  hanged  as  a  spy. 
Captain  Hale  made  no  defence,  and  he  regretted,  he 


/o  Henry  Knox  [1776 

said,  that  he  had  but  one  life  to  give  for  his  country. 
The  cruel  and  inhuman  treatment  accorded  to  Hale 
by  the  British  was  cited,  a  few  years  later,  as  a  cer 
tain  precedent  for  the  treatment  of  Major  Andre, 
captured  as  a  spy  near  West  Point.  But  Andrews 
fate,  though  that  of  a  spy,  was  far  less  abhorrent 
than  that  of  Hale. 

In  scanning  the  letters  of  Knox,  written  about 
this  time,  one  is  struck  by  the  anxious  tone  which 
pervades  those  in  which  he  refers  to  the  morale  of 
the  army.  Again  and  again,  he  insists  that  the 
officers  should  be  educated  in  some  sort  of  a  military 
school.  He  seems  to  have  seen  that  the  war  would 
be  long  and  wasteful  of  human  life;  his  letters 
breathe  the  most  confident  spirit  of  ultimate  victory, 
while  they  dwell  on  the  urgent  need  of  drill  for  the 
troops,  a  long-term  service  for  the  rank  and  file,  and 
a  military  training  school  for  the  men  who  are  to  be 
placed  in  command.  Thus,  in  a  letter  addressed  to 
his  brother  William,  and  dated  Harlem  Heights, 
eight  miles  from  New  York,  September  23,  1776, 
he  says : 

"  The  general  is  as  worthy  a  man  as  breathes,  but  he  cannot  do 
everything  nor  be  everywhere.  He  wants  good  assistants.  There 
is  a  radical  difficulty  in  our  army, — the  lack  of  officers.  We  ought 
to  have  men  of  merit  in  the  most  extensive  and  unlimited  sense  of 
the  word.  Instead  of  which,  the  bulk  of  the  officers  of  the  army  are 
a  parcel  of  ignorant,  stupid  men,  who  might  make  tolerable  soldiers 
but  who  are  bad  officers  ;  and  until  Congress  forms  an  establishment 
to  induce  men  proper  for  the  purpose  to  leave  their  usual  employ 
ments  and  enter  the  service,  it  is  ten  to  one  they  will  be  beat  until 
they  are  heartily  tired  of  it.  We  ought  to  have  academies,  in  which 
the  whole  theory  of  the  art  of  war  shall  be  taught,  and  every  encour 
agement  possible  be  given  to  draw  persons  into  the  army  that  may 


STATUE  OF   NATHAN   HALE. 

BY    FREDERICK    MACMONNIES. 


Operations  around  New  York       71 

give  lustre  to  our  arms.  As  the  army  now  stands,  it  is  only  a  re 
ceptacle  for  ragamuffins.  You  will  observe  I  am  chagrined,  not 
more  so  than  at  any  time  I  Ve  been  in  the  army  ;  but  many  late 
affairs,  of  which  I  've  been  an  eye-witness,  have  so  totally  sickened 
me,  that  unless  some  very  different  mode  of  conduct  is  observed  in 
the  formation  of  the  new  army,  I  shall  not  think  myself  obliged  by 
either  the  laws  of  God  or  nature  to  risk  my  reputation  on  so  cobweb 
a  foundation.  .  .  .  The  grounds  on  which  we  now  rest  are 
strong,  I  think  we  can  defend  them  :  if  we  don't,  I  hope  God  will 
punish  us  both  in  this  world  and  in  the  world  to  come,  if  the  fault  is 
ours." 


The  Boston  bookseller  had  now  been  in  the 
military  service  one  year,  yet  he  appears  to  have 
acquired  the  habit,  if  nor  the  ability,  of  an  accom 
plished  and  severe  military  critic.  But  it  should  be 
said  here  that  most  of  the  contemporaneous  ac 
counts  of  the  doings  of  the  American  army  at  that 
time  fully  bear  out  the  newly  fledged  colonel  in  his 
strictures. 

Active  movements  were  now  resumed  by  Lord 
Howe,  whose  tactics,  however,  were  never  very 
vigorous,  justifying  the  criticism  of  one  of  his  own 
friends  that  he  "  calculated  with  the  greatest  ac 
curacy  the  exact  time  necessary  for  his  enemy  to 
make  his  escape."  It  was  not  until  October  I2th 
that  he  moved  against  the  position  held  by  the 
Americans  on  Harlem  Heights.  His  design  was  to 
flank  Washington's  forces  by  moving  through  West- 
chester  County  ;  but  his  dilly-dallying  at  less  import 
ant  points  along  the  shores  gave  Washington  ample 
time  to  evacuate  the  heights  and  establish  himself 
at  White  Plains,  where  he  held  the  roads  leading  to 
the  Hudson  and  to  New  England,  which  offered 


72  Henry  Knox 

him  two  available  avenues  for  further  retreat.  On 
the  28th  of  October,  Howe  sustained  a  severe  loss 
of  men  in  killed  and  wounded  in  an  engagement 
which  Knox  thus  describes  in  a  letter  to  his  brother, 
dated  "  Near  White  Plains,  32  miles  from  New 
York,  I  Nov.,  1/76."  He  says: 

"  Last  Monday  the  enemy  with  nearly  their  whole  force  advanced 
upon  the  hills  above  us  ;  and  soon  after  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
with  a  large  part  of  their  army,  began  a  most  furious  cannonade  on 
a  hill  [Chatterton's]  on  our  right,  where  we  had  about  one  thousand 
posted  under  General  McDougall,  which  they  carried  with  considera 
ble  loss.  Our  loss  was  not  very  great.  Our  men  had  no  works, 
and  were  not  timely  reinforced,  owing  to  the  distance  they  were  from 
the  main  body.  The  enemy's  having  possession  of  this  hill  obliged 
us  to  abandon  some  slight  lines  thrown  up  at  White  Plains.  This 
we  did  this  morning,  and  retired  to  some  hills  about  half  a  mile  in 
the  rear.  The  enemy  are  determined  on  something  decisive,  and  we 
are  determined  to  risk  a  general  battle  only  on  the  most  advantageous 
terms.  We  are  manoeuvring,  in  which  we  think  they  are  somewhat 
our  superiors." 

Still,  Washington  was  left  free  to  move,  and  he 
accordingly  fell  back  to  Northcastle  Heights,  nearer 
the  Hudson,  where  he  established  himself  in  an  im 
pregnable  position.  Howe's  only  recourse  now  was 
in  the  direction  of  Fort  Washington,  the  location  of 
which,  opposite  Fort  Lee  on  the  Jersey  side  of  the 
Hudson,  gave  it  much  apparent  importance  so  long 
as  the  Americans  were  to  occupy  any  part  of  the 
New  York  shore.  It  was  a  question  that  had  given 
Congress  and  the  army  much  anxiety  to  determine 
whether  Fort  Washington  should  be  held.  General 
Greene,  who  believed  that  Howe's  next  move  would 
be  into  the  Jerseys,  urged  that  the  fort  be  retained 


Operations  around  New  York       73 

as  long  as  possible.  Washington,  and  probably  some 
of  his  generals,  was  anxious  for  the  immediate  trans 
fer  of  his  troops  into  the  Jerseys,  carrying  the 
campaign  in  the  direction  of  Philadelphia. 

Howe's  movement  on  Fort  Washington  was  pre 
ceded  by  a  demand  for  its  immediate  surrender,  his 
ultimatum  being  that  if  he  were  compelled  to  attack, 
he  would  put  the  garrison  to  the  sword.  The  com 
manding  officer,  Colonel  Robert  Magaw,  replied  that 
such  a  massacre  as  that  threatened  would  be  un 
worthy  of  a  British  officer,  adding  that  he  should 
defend  the  fort  to  the  last  extremity.  After  a 
violent  and  furious  assault,  in  which  British  and 
Hessians  participated,  the  Americans  were  over 
whelmed  and  the  fort  was  surrendered  on  honour 
able  terms.  The  loss  of  this  important  fortification 
caused  great  mortification  and  grief  to  the  patriots, 
the  moral  effect  of  the  disaster  being  greater  than  its 
actual  effect  upon  the  military  fortunes  of  the  strug 
gling  colonists. 

An  interesting  side-light  is  thrown  upon  this  event 
by  a  letter  written  by  General  Greene  to  his  intimate 
and  confidential  friend  Knox,  dated  at  Fort  Lee, 
November  17,  1776,  as  follows: 

"  Your  favour  of  the  I4th  reached  me  in  a  melancholy  temper. 
The  misfortune  of  losing  Fort  Washington,  with  between  two  and 
three  thousand  men,  will  reach  you  before  this,  if  it  has  not  already. 
His  Excellency  General  Washington  has  been  with  me  for  several 
days.  The  evacuation  or  reinforcement  of  Fort  Washington  was 
under  consideration,  but  finally  nothing  concluded  on.  Day  before 
yesterday,  about  one  o'clock,  Howe's  adjutant-general  made  a  de 
mand  of  the  surrender  of  the  garrison  in  the  general's  name,  but 
was  answered  by  the  commanding  officer  that  he  should  defend  it  to 


74  Henry  Knox  ['776 

the  last  extremity.  Yesterday  morning,  General  Washington,  Gen 
eral  Putnam,  General  Mercer,  and  myself  went  to  the  island  to  de 
termine  what  was  best  to  be  done  ;  but  just  at  the  instant  we  stepped 
on  board  the  boat  the  enemy  made  their  appearance  on  the  hill 
where  the  Monday  action  was,  and  began  a  severe  cannonade  with 
several  field  pieces.  Our  guards  soon  fled,  the  enemy  advanced  up 
to  the  second  line.  This  was  done  while  we  were  crossing  the  river 
and  getting  upon  the  hill.  The  enemy  made  several  marches  to  the 
right  and  to  the  left, — I  suppose  to  reconnoitre  the  fortifications 
and  lines. 

"  There  we  all  stood  in  a  very  awkward  situation.  As  the  disposi 
tion  was  made,  and  the  enemy  advancing,  we  durst  not  attempt  to 
make  any  new  disposition  ;  indeed,  we  saw  nothing  amiss.  We  all 
urged  his  Excellency  to  come  off.  I  offered  to  stay,  General  Putnam 
did  the  same,  and  so  did  General  Mercer  ;  but  his  Excellency  thought 
it  best  for  us  all  to  come  off  together,  which  we  did,  about  half  an 
hour  before  the  enemy  surrounded  the  fort.  The  enemy  came  up 
Harlem  River,  and  landed  a  party  at  headquarters,  which  was  upon 
the  back  of  our  people  in  the  lines.  A  disorderly  retreat  soon  took 
place  ;  without  much  firing  the  people  retreated  into  the  fort.  On 
the  north  side  of  the  fort  there  was  a  very  heavy  fire  for  a  long  while  ; 
and  as  they  had  the  advantage  of  the  ground,  I  apprehend  the  ene 
my's  loss  must  be  great.  After  the  troops  retreated  in  the  fort,  very 
few  guns  were  fired.  The  enemy  approached  within  small-arm  fire 
of  the  lines,  and  sent  in  a  flag,  and  the  garrison  capitulated  in  an 
hour.  I  was  afraid  of  the  fort :  the  redoubt  that  you  and  I  advised, 
too,  was  not  done,  or  little  or  nothing  done  to  it.  Had  that  been 
complete,  I  think  the  garrison  might  have  defended  themselves  a 
long  while,  or  been  brought  off.  I  feel  mad,  vexed,  sick,  and  sorry. 
Never  did  I  need  the  consoling  voice  of  a  friend  more  than  now. 
Happy  should  I  be  to  see  you.  This  is  a  most  terrible  event :  its 
consequences  are  justly  to  be  dreaded.  Pray,  what  is  said  upon  the 
occasion  ?  A  line  from  you  will  be  very  acceptable. 

"  I  am,  dear  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  N.  GREENE." 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE   FIGHT   FOR    THE   JERSEYS 
1776-1777 

HE  island  of  Manhattan,  from  the  Bat 
tery  to  Kingsbridge,  was  now  in  full 
possession  of  the  British,  and  two 
days  later,  Cornwallis,  commanding 
under  Howe,  passed  up  the  Hudson 
with  six  thousand  men  and  landed  at  a  point  nearly 
opposite  Yonkers.  The  evacuation  of  Fort  Lee  be 
came  inevitable,  and  the  retreat  of  Washington's 
little  army  across  the  Jerseys  began.  It  was  now 
late  in  November,  and  the  retreat  was  conducted  in 
a  cold  and  inclement  season ;  the  Americans  were 
almost  constantly  in  sight  of  their  pursuers,  the  rear 
guard  of  the  retreating  army  burning  and  pulling 
down  bridges  which  were  speedily  rebuilt  by  the 
British.  The  object  of  the  Americans  was  to  delay 
their  pursuers  as  much  as  possible  until  impassable 
roads  and  the  severities  of  winter  should  end  the 
campaign.  Putnam,  Greene,  Stirling,  Mercer,  and 
Knox  were  with  Washington,  whose  entire  force 
consisted  of  about  four  thousand  men.  The  time 

75 


76  Henry  Knox  [1776- 

of  enlistment  for  many  of  these  was  to  expire  in 
December,  and  Howe,  who  naturally  expected  and 
believed  that  the  American  force  would  now  melt 
away,  returned  to  winter  quarters  in  New  York, 
leaving  Colonel  Donop  and  his  Hessians  and  a 
Highland  regiment  (the  42d)  to  hold  the  line  across 
the  Jerseys.  Washington  wrote  to  Governor  Liv 
ingston,  of  New  Jersey,  to  be  prepared  for  an  inva 
sion,  and  he  recommended  that  the  people  remove 
or  destroy  their  stock,  grain,  and  effects  that  would 
be  of  use  to  the  enemy,  reminding  them  that  the 
ravages  that  had  been  committed  by  the  British 
troops  in  Westchester,  N.  Y.,  would  be  repeated  in 
the  Jerseys.  On  the  3Oth  of  December,  the  two 
British  Peace  Commissioners,  General  Howe  and 
Admiral  Howe,  issued  a  proclamation  offering  par 
don  and  amnesty  to  "  all  who  had  taken  up  arms 
against  their  King,"  provided  they  returned  to  their 
homes  within  sixty  days.  At  this  time  the  panic  in 
New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania  was  very  great,  and 
many  availed  themselves  of  the  terms  offered  in  the 
proclamation  of  the  royal  agents.  Dark  and  gloomy 
was  the  prospect  before  the  dwindling  forces  now 
falling  back  upon  the  Delaware. 

But  although  even  the  well-balanced  and  calm 
mind  of  Washington  was  disturbed  by  visions  of  a 
a  final  and  irretrievable  defeat  of  his  country's  cause, 
Knox's  letters  continued  to  breathe  the  same  spirit 
of  resolute  belief  in  the  ultimate  triumph  of  the 
patriots.  Writing  to  his  wife  and  brother  and  to 
his  intimate  friends,  General  Nathanael  Greene  and 
Harry  Jackson,  Knox  persistently  urged  that  the 


MAJOR-GENERAL  CHARLES  LEE. 

FROM   AN   ENGLISH   ENGRAVING   PUBLISHED  IN   1776. 


1777]         The  Fight  for  the  Jerseys  77 

cause  was  too  dear  to  the  God  of  Nations  to  be  al 
lowed  to  fall,  and  too  dear  to  humanity  to  suffer 
long.  While  he  lamented  the  parsimony  and  the 
meddlesomeness  of  the  Continental  Congress  and 
the  short-sighted  policy  that  permitted  brief  terms 
of  enlistment  and  the  employment  of  officers  un 
schooled  in  military  science,  he  confidently  predicted 
the  final  victory  of  the  arms  of  the  nascent  nation 
now  struggling  in  its  earliest  throes  for  existence. 
It  was  Knox's  cheery  spirit  and  his  calm  belief  in 
ultimate  success  that  strengthened  the  faith  of  the 
Commander-in-chief. 

The  British  were  marching  into  Trenton,  on  the 
8th  of  December  while  Washington  was  crossing  the 
Delaware  into  Pennsylvania.  Cornwallis's  move 
ments  had  been  sluggish,  or  the  Americans  would 
have  been  overtaken  before  they  could  have  crossed 
the  river.  But  Washington  not  only  had  time  to 
escape;  he  had  availed  himself  of  opportunity  to 
seize  and  carry  off  everything  in  the  shape  of  float 
ing  craft  for  seventy  miles  and  up  and  down  the 
Delaware  at  the  place  of  his  crossing,  thus  prevent 
ing  the  enemy  from  immediate  pursuit  and  providing 
himself  with  the  means  for  a  return.  Gen.  Charles 
Lee,  left  with  Gates  on  the  Jersey  side  of  the  river, 
assumed  that  his  separation  from  Washington  gave 
to  himself  the  supreme  command  of  his  and  Gates's 
troops,  without  regard  to  the  orders  of  the  Com 
mander-in-chief,  which  were  many  times  repeated 
to  urge  him  to  join  his  forces  to  those  on  the  Penn 
sylvania  side  of  the  Delaware.  His  treasonable  con 
duct  was  finally  terminated  by  his  capture  at  Basking 


/S  Henry  Knox  [1776- 

Ridge,  and  he  was  hurried  off*  to  place  him  beyond 
all  possibility  of  rescue.  His  command  now  de 
volved  upon  Sullivan,  who  lost  no  time  to  carry  out 
Washington's  orders  to  take  his  troops  into  Penn 
sylvania. 

A  bold  stroke,  designed  to  cripple  the  enemy  and 
cheer  the  despondent  patriots,  was  resolved  upon  by 
Washington.  He  had  crossed  the  Delaware  south 
ward  on  the  8th  of  December,  and  now  he  made 
ready  to  recross  the  river  during  the  night  following 
Christmas  Day.  In  the  orders  prescribing  the  de 
tails  of  the  march  to  Trenton  it  was  set  forth  that 
the  troops  should  "  be  assembled  one  mile  back  of 
McKonkey's  Ferry,  and  as  soon  as  it  begins  to  grow 
dark,  the  troops  to  be  marched  to  McKonkey's 
Ferry,  and  embark  on  board  the  boats  in  the  follow 
ing  order  under  the  direction  of  Colonel  Knox." 
Then  follows  the  order  of  crossing,  and  it  is  further 
specified  that,  "  Immediately  upon  their  debarkation, 
the  whole  to  form  and  march  in  subdivisions  from 
the  right.  A  profound  silence  to  be  enjoined,  and 
no  man  to  quit  the  ranks  on  the  pain  of  death. 
Each  brigadier  to  appoint  flanking  parties;  the  re 
serve  brigade  to  appoint  rear  guards  of  the  columns; 
the  heads  of  the  columns  to  be  appointed  to  arrive 
at  Trenton  at  five  o'clock." 

This  historic  military  feat  has  often  been  described 
by  pen  and  pencil.  The  difficulties  of  the  passage, 
the  roaring  wintry  storm,  the  stream  obstructed  by 
masses  of  floating  ice,  and  the  ill-clad  and  ill-shod 
troops  suffering  bitterly  from  the  intense  cold,  are 
features  of  the  picture.  But  the  gallant  band  of 


1777]         The  Fight  for  the  Jerseys  79 

heroes,  cheered  by  the  stentorian  voice  of  Knox, 
who  superintended  the  passage,  and  by  their  belief 
that  they  were  pressing  on  to  victory,  minded  none 
of  these  obstructions  and  went  rejoicing  on  their 
way.  There  is  in  Knox's  letter  to  Mrs.  Knox,  giv 
ing  an  account  of  the  passage  of  the  river  and  the 
battle  of  Trenton,  a  certain  reserve  that  is  character 
istic  of  all  of  his  official  and  unofficial  reports  of  mili 
tary  events  in  which  he  had  taken  a  leading  part. 

After  describing  the  position  of  the  enemy  and  the 
number  of  the  contending  forces,  Knox  says  that 
the  "  hardy  design  "  of  attacking  Trenton  by  storm 
was  formed.  The  fact  that  the  town  was  held  by 
the  foreign  mercenaries,  and  not  by  the  British 
troops,  seems  to  have  encouraged  the  hope  that  the 
"  hardy  design  "  might  prove  successful.  The 
passage  of  the  river  was  accomplished  by  the  aid  of 
a  corps  of  New  England  men,  recruited  from  the 
coast  towns  and  accustomed  to  the  management  of 
water-craft.  There  were  about  three  thousand  men 
in  the  ranks  that  crossed  the  Delaware  on  that 
stormy  Christmas  night ;  and  they  carried  with  them 
eighteen  field-pieces.  According  to  Knox,  "  The 
floating  ice  in  the  river  made  the  labour  almost  in 
credible.  However,  perseverance  accomplished 
what  at  first  seemed  impossible."  He  continues: 

About  two  o'clock  the  troops  were  all  on  the 
Jersey  side ;  we  were  then  about  nine  miles  from  the 
object.  The  night  was  cold  and  stormy ;  it  hailed 
with  great  violence ;  the  troops  marched  with  the 
most  profound  silence  and  in  good  order." 

After  describing  the  march  to  Trenton,  with  the 


So  Henry  Knox  [1776- 

icy  storm  beating  upon  the  backs  of  the  men,  Knox 
says  that  the  advanced  guard  of  the  enemy,  a  half- 
mile  from  the  town,  was  forced  and  the  American 
army  which  had  advanced  in  two  columns,  "  entered 
the  town  pell-mell."  The  scene  of  war  which  then 
was  drawn  upon  the  wintry  stage  was  one  of  great 
confusion,  the  like  of  which  the  writer  had  never 
seen  before.  He  continues: 

"The  hurry,  fright  and  confusion  of  the  enemy  was  not  unlike 
that  which  it  will  be  when  the  last  trump  shall  sound.  They  en 
deavoured  to  form  in  streets,  the  heads  of  which  we  had  previously 
the  possession  of  with  cannon  and  howitzers  ;  these,  however,  in  the 
twinkling  of  an  eye,  cleared  the  streets.  The  backs  of  the  houses 
were  resorted  to  for  shelter.  These  proved  ineffectual  ;  the  musketry 
soon  dislodged  them.  Finally,  they  were  driven  through  the  town 
into  an  open  plain  beyond.  Here  they  formed  in  an  instant.  Dur 
ing  the  contest  in  the  streets  measures  were  taken  for  putting  an  en 
tire  stop  to  their  retreat  by  posting  troops  and  cannon  in  such  passes 
and  roads  as  it  was  possible  for  them  to  get  away  by.  The  poor 
fellows,  after  they  were  formed  on  the  plain,  saw  themselves  com 
pletely  surrounded,  the  only  resource  left  was  to  force  their  way 
through  numbers  unknown  to  them.  The  Hessians  lost  part  of 
their  cannon  in  the  town  :  they  did  not  relish  the  project  of  forcing, 
and  were  obliged  to  surrender  upon  the  spot,  with  all  their  artillery, 
six  brass  pieces,  army  colours,  &c.  A  Colonel  Rawle  [Rahl]  com 
manded,  who  was  wounded.  The  number  of  prisoners  was  above 
1200,  including  officers, — all  Hessians.  There  were  few  killed  or 
wounded  on  either  side.  After  having  marched  off  the  prisoners, 
stores,  &c.,  we  returned  to  the  place,  nine  miles  distant,  where  we 
had  embarked.  Providence  seemed  to  have  smiled  upon  every  part 
of  this  enterprise,  (ireat  advantages  may  be  gained  from  it  if  we 
take  the  proper  steps.  At  another  post  we  have  pushed  over  the 
river  2000  men,  to-day  another  body,  and  to-morrow  the  whole  army 
will  follow.  It  must  give  sensible  pleasure  to  every  friend  of  the 
rights  of  man  to  think  with  how  much  intrepidity  our  people  pushed 
the  enemy,  and  prevented  their  forming  in  the  town. 

"  His  Excellency  the  General  has  done  me  the  unmerited  great 


1777]         The  Fight  for  the  Jerseys  81 

honour  of  thanking  me  in  public  orders  in  terms  strong  and  polite. 
This  I  should  blush  to  mention  to  any  other  than  you,  my  dear 
Lucy  ;  and  I  am  fearful  that  my  Lucy  may  think  her  Harry  pos 
sesses  a  species  of  little  vanity  in  doing  it  at  all." 

Knox  was  now  appointed  a  brigadier-general,  his 
commission  being  dated  December  27,  1776,  the  day 
following  the  victory  at  Trenton ;  but  the  news  of 
that  famous  fight  had  not  reached  Congress  when 
the  commission  was  ordered.  In  a  letter  dated  at 
Trenton  on  the  2d  of  January,  1777,  Knox  thus  in 
forms  his  wife  of  his  advancement : 

"  We  are  collecting  our  force  at  this  place,  and  shall  give  battle 
to  the  enemy  very  soon.  Our  people  have  exerted  great  fortitude, 
and  stayed  beyond  the  time  of  their  enlistment,  in  high  spirits,  but 
want  rum  and  clothing.  Will  it  give  you  satisfaction  or  pleasure  in 
being  informed  that  the  Congress  have  created  me  a  general  officer — 
a  brigadier — with  the  entire  command  of  the  artillery  ?  If  so,  I  shall 
be  happy.  It  was  unsolicited  on  my  part,  though  I  cannot  say  un 
expected.  People  are  more  lavish  in  their  praises  of  my  poor  en 
deavours  than  they  deserve.  All  the  merit  I  can  claim  is  my  industry. 
I  wish  to  render  my  devoted  country  every  service  in  my  power  ; 
and  the  only  alloy  I  have  in  my  little  exertions  is,  that  it  separates 
me  from  thee, — the  dearest  object  of  all  my  earthly  happiness.  May 
Heaven  give  us  a  speedy  and  happy  meeting.  .  .  .  The  attack 
of  Trenton  was  a  most  horrid  scene  to  the  poor  inhabitants.  War, 
my  Lucy,  is  not  a  humane  trade,  and  the  man  who  follows  it  as  such 
will  meet  with  his  proper  demerits  in  another  world." 

Evidently  John  Adams  and  other  friends  of  Knox, 
who  were  solicitous  that  Massachusetts  should  have 
its  full  quota  of  general  officers,  had  not  been  un 
mindful  of  the  colonel  of  artillery.  Nor  can  it  be 
said  that  his  promotion,  however  unsolicited,  was 
either  undeserved  or  rapid.  Commissioned  colonel 


82  Henry  Knox  [1776- 

of  Washington's  sole  regiment  of  artillery  on  No 
vember  17,  1775,  and  since  entrusted  with  the  com 
mand  of  all  the  artillery  attached  to  that  army,  it 
was  not  until  two  years  had  passed  that  he  was 
commissioned  a  general  officer.  And  this,  too,  in  a 
time  when  men  from  civil  life  were  rapidly  raised  to 
high  military  rank,  owing  to  the  pressing  exigencies 
of  the  service;  and  it  should  not  be  forgotten  that 
three  years  had  not  passed  since  Brigadier-General 
Knox  was  pursuing  the  peaceful  vocation  of  a  book 
seller. 

On  his  retreat  across  the  Delaware,  after  the 
battle  of  Trenton,  Washington  carried*  "  six  ex 
cellent  brass  cannon,  about  one  thousand  two  hun 
dred  small  arms,  and  three  standards,  with  a  quantity 
of  baggage,  etc."  His  prisoners  were  nearly  fifteen 
hundred  in  number,  including  thirty  officers.  This 
signal  victory  greatly  cheered  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Jerseys  and  Pennsylvania,  and  reinforcements  were 
sent  to  the  army  from  Virginia  and  Maryland.  To 
the  honour  of  the  patriotic  citizens  of  Philadelphia, 
it  should  be  said  that  they  had  not  waited  for  the 
success  at  Trenton  to  send  aid  to  the  army,  whose 
efficient  force  was  constantly  changing.  Fifteen 
hundred  citizens,  although  unused  to  the  hardships 
of  military  life,  associated  themselves  together  and, 
marching  to  the  relief  of  Washington's  depleted 
forces,  endured  cheerfully  the  vicissitudes  of  the  in 
clement  months  of  January  and  December,  "  sleep 
ing  in  tents,  barns,  and  sometimes  in  the  open  air." 
The  patriotic  and  wealthy  Philadelphian,  Robert 

*  Thacher's  Journal 


T777]         The  Fight  for  the  Jerseys  83 

Morris,  raised  the  handsome  sum  of  fifty  thousand 
dollars  in  specie  which  was  sent  to  Washington's 
camp  to  be  used  for  pressing  military  purposes. 

The  New  England  regiments  whose  time  had 
expired  were  now  persuaded  to  remain  six  weeks 
longer,  and  these,  with  the  recent  acquisitions  from 
Philadelphia  and  elsewhere,  brought  Washington's 
available  force  up  to  about  six  thousand  men. 
Emboldened  by  this  prosperous  turn  of  the  tide, 
Washington  resolved  on  a  brilliant  stroke  of  strategy, 
again  crossing  the  Delaware  and  striking  at  the 
British  forces  in  the  Jerseys.  Hearing  of  this  bold 
movement,  Cornwallis  hurried  to  meet  him.  This 
second  crossing  of  the  Delaware  was  successfully 
accomplished  on  the  3Oth  of  December.  The  en 
gagement  that  followed,  known  in  history  as  the 
battle  of  Princeton,  is  described  in  the  following 
letter  from  Knox  to  his  wife : 

"  MORRISTOWN,  Jan.  7,  1777. 
"  MY  DEAREST  LOVE, 

"  I  wrote  to  you  from  Trenton  by  a  Mr.  Furness,  which  I  hope  you 
have  received.  I  then  informed  you  that  we  soon  expected  another 
tussle.  I  was  not  out  in  my  conjecture.  About  three  o'clock  on 
the  2nd  of  January,  a  column  of  the  enemy  attacked  a  party  of  ours 
which  was  stationed  about  one  mile  above  Trenton.  Our  party  was 
small,  and  did  not  make  much  resistance.  The  enemy,  who  were 
Hessians,  entered  the  town  pellmell,  pretty  much  in  the  same  manner 
that  we  had  driven  them  a  few  days  before. 

"  Nearly  on  the  other  side  of  Trenton,  partly  in  the  town,  runs  a 
brook  (the  Assanpink),  which  in  most  places  is  not  fordable,  and 
over  which  through  Trenton  is  a  bridge.  The  ground  on  the  other 
side  is  much  higher  than  on  this,  and  may  be  said  to  command  Tren 
ton  completely.  Here  it  was  our  army  drew  up,  with  thirty  or  forty 
pieces  of  artillery  in  front.  The  enemy  pushed  our  small  party 


84  Henry  Knox  [1776- 

through  the  town  with  vigour,  though  not  with  much  loss.  Their 
retreat  over  the  bridge  was  thoroughly  secured  by  the  artillery. 
After  they  had  retired  over  the  bridge,  the  enemy  advanced  within 
reach  of  our  cannon,  who  saluted  them  with  great  vociferation  and 
some  execution.  This  continued  till  dark,  when  of  course  it  ceased, 
except  a  few  shells  we  now  and  then  chucked  into  town  to  prevent 
their  enjoying  their  new  quarters  securely.  As  I  before  mentioned, 
the  creek  was  in  our  front,  our  left  on  the  Delaware,  our  right  in 
the  wood,  parallel  to  the  creek.  The  situation  was  strong,  to  be 
sure  ;  but  hazardous  on  this  account,  that  had  our  right  wing  been 
defeated,  the  defeat  of  the  left  would  almost  have  been  an  inevitable 
consequence,  and  the  whole  thrown  into  confusion  or  pushed  into 
the  Delaware,  as  it  was  impassable  by  boats. 

"  From  these  circumstances  the  general  thought  it  best  to  attack 
Princeton  twelve  miles  in  the  rear  of  the  enemy's  grand  army,  and 
where  they  had  the  i/th,  4oth  and  55th  regiments,  with  a  number  of 
draughts,  altogether  perhaps  twelve  hundred  men.  Accordingly, 
about  one  o'clock  at  night,  we  began  to  march  and  make  this  most 
extra  manoeuvre.  Our  troops  marched  with  great  silence  and  order, 
and  arrived  near  Princeton  a  little  after  daybreak.  We  did  not 
surprise  them  as  at  Trenton  ;  for  they  were  on  their  march  down  to 
Trenton,  on  a  road  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  distant  from  the  one 
in  which  we  were.  You  may  judge  of  their  surprise  when  they  dis 
covered  such  large  columns  marching  up.  They  could  not  possibly 
suppose  it  was  our  army,  for  that  they  took  for  granted  was  cooped 
up  near  Trenton.  They  could  not  possibly  suppose  it  was  their  own 
army  returning  by  a  back  road  ;  in  short,  I  believe  they  were  as 
much  astonished  as  if  an  army  had  dropped  perpendicularly  upon 
them.  However,  they  had  not  much  time  foi  consideration.  We 
pushed  a  party  to  attack  them.  This  they  repulsed  with  great  spirit, 
and  advanced  upon  another  column  just  then  coming  out  of  a  wood, 
which  they  likewise  put  in  some  disorder ;  but  fresh  troops  coming 
up,  and  the  artillery  beginning  to  play,  they  were  after  a  smart  re 
sistance  totally  put  to  the  rout.  The  lyth  regiment  used  their  bayo 
nets  with  too  much  severity  upon  a  party  they  put  to  flight  ;  but 
they  were  paid  for  it  in  proportion,  very  few  escaping.  Near  sixty 
were  killed  on  the  spot,  besides  the  wounded.  We  have  taken  be 
tween  three  and  four  hundred  prisoners,  all  British  troops.  They 
must  have  lost  in  this  affair  nearly  five  hundred,  killed  and  wounded 
and  prisoners.  We  lost  some  gallant  officers.  Brigadier-General 


1777]         The  Fight  for  the  Jerseys  85 

Mercer  was  wounded  :  he  had  three  separate  stabs  with  a  bayonet. 
A  Lieutenant-Colonel  Fleming  was  killed,  and  Captain  Neil  of  the 
artillery,  an  excellent  officer.  Mercer  will  get  better.  The  enemy 
took  his  parole  after  we  left  Princeton.  We  took  all  their  cannon, 
which  consisted  of  two  brass  six-pounders,  a  considerable  quantity 
of  military  stores,  blankets,  guns,  etc.  They  lost,  among  a  number 
of  other  officers,  a  Captain  Leslie,  a  son  of  the  Earl  of  Leven  and 
nephew  to  General  Leslie  :  him  we  brought  off,  and  buried  with  the 
honours  of  war. 

"After  we  had  been  about  two  hours  at  Princeton,  word  was 
brought  that  the  enemy  were  advancing  from  Trenton.  This  they 
did,  as  we  have  since  been  informed,  in  a  most  infernal  sweat, — 
running,  puffing,  and  blowing,  and  swearing  at  being  so  outwitted. 
As  we  had  other  objects  in  view,  to  wit,  breaking  up  their  quarters, 
we  pursued  our  march  to  Somerset  Court  House,  where  there  were 
about  thirteen  hundred  quartered,  as  we  had  been  informed.  They, 
however,  had  marched  off,  and  joined  the  army  at  Trenton.  We  at 
first  intended  to  have  made  a  forced  march  to  Brunswick  ;  but  our 
men  having  been  without  either  rest,  rum,  or  provisions  for  two 
nights  and  days,  were  unequal  to  the  task  of  marching  seventeen 
miles  further.  If  we  could  have  secured  one  thousand  fresh  men  at 
Princeton  to  have  pushed  for  Brunswick,  we  should  have  struck  one 
of  the  most  brilliant  strokes  in  all  history.  However,  the  advantages 
are  very  great :  already  they  have  collected  their  whole  force,  and 
drawn  themselves  to  one  point,  to  wit,  Brunswick. 

"  The  enemy  were  within  nineteen  miles  of  Philadelphia,  they 
are  now  sixty  miles.  Wre  have  driven  them  from  almost  the  whole 
of  West  Jersey.  The  panic  is  still  kept  up.  We  had  a  battle  two 
days  ago  with  a  party  of  ours  and  sixty  Waldeckers,  who  were  all 
killed  or  taken,  in  Monmouth  County  in  the  lower  part  of  the  Jer 
seys.  It  is  not  our  interest  to  fight  a  general  battle,  nor  can  I 
think  under  all  circumstances  it  is  the  enemy's.  They  have  sent 
their  baggage  to  Staten  Island  from  the  Jerseys,  and  we  are  very 
well  informed  they  are  doing  the  same  from  New  York.  Heath  will 
have  orders  to  march  there  and  endeavour  to  storm  it  on  that  side. 
4  There  is  a  tide  in  the  affairs  of  men,  which  taken  at  the  flood  leads 
on  to  victory.'  For  my  part,  my  Lucy.  I  look  up  to  heaven  and 
devoutly  thank  the  great  Governor  of  the  Universe  for  producing 
this  turn  in  our  affairs  ;  and  the  sentiment  I  hope  will  so  prevail  in 
the  hearts  of  the  people  as  to  induce  them  to  be  a  people  chosen  of 


86  Henry  Knox  [1776- 

Heaven,  not  to  give  way  to  despair,  but  at  all  times  and  under  all 
circumstances  never  to  despair  of  the  Commonwealth." 

Knox,  who  had  made  a  diligent  and  careful  study 
of  the  topographical  situation  of  the  Jerseys,  strongly 
advised  the  march  to  Morristown  and  the  establish 
ment  of  winter  quarters  at  that  place.  The  strategi 
cal  advantages  of  the  position  at  Morristown  were 
considerable,  and  by  taking  it,  the  army  was  on  the 
flank  of  the  enemy  and  could  change  its  base,  in 
case  of  any  emergency  arising,  without  serious  diffi 
culty.  Washington's  ruse  of  keeping  up  watch- 
fires  in  his  deserted  camps  while  he  stole  around  to 
Princeton  from  Trenton,  his  masterly  conduct  of  all 
the  movements  that  had  ridded  the  Jerseys  of  nearly 
all  the  enemy's  troops,  were  evidence  to  the  world 
that  the  head  of  the  American  army  was  a  soldier 
of  indomitable  courage,  vast  patience,  and  unlimited 
military  expedients.  Brunswick  and  Amboy  were 
now  the  only  points  in  Jersey  that  were  held  by  the 
British,  who  had  so  recently  proclaimed  themselves 
masters  of  the  situation.  Thacher,  on  the  3<Dth  of 
January,  says:  "It  it  with  infinite  satisfaction  we 
learn  that  the  royal  army  has  been  compelled  to 
quit  almost  every  part  of  the  Jerseys,  and  that  our 
army  is  pursuing  them  from  post  to  post,  and  they 
find  no  security  but  in  the  vicinity  of  their  ship 
ping." 

A  season  of  comparative  quiet  for  the  army  en 
camped  at  Morristown  now  ensued.  That  army, 
however,  was  again  reduced  to  a  mere  handful  of 
men ;  and  from  their  winter  quarters,  consisting  of 
an  assemblage  of  huts,  an  occasional  foray  was  made 


1777]         The  Fight  for  the  Jerseys  87 

upon  the  enemy,  who  had  drawn  in  their  outposts 
to  the  borders  of  New  York  and  Staten  Island. 
Meanwhile,  Knox  was  sent  to  New  England  to 
oversee  the  casting  of  cannon  and  the  establishment 
of  laboratories  for  the  manufacture  of  powder  and 
other  material.  He  visited  his  wife,  who  was  then 
in  Boston,  and  from  that  town  he  writes  as  follows 
to  Washington,  under  date  of  February  I,  1777: 

"  After  my  letter  to  General  Greene  from  Springfield,  of  the  26th 
ult.,  I  set  out  for  this  place,  in  order  to  provide  such  materials  as 
were  necessary  to  carry  on  the  various  branches  connected  with  the 
laboratories  and  ordnance  establishment.  Upon  my  arrival  here,  I 
was  much  surprised  at  the  very  extraordinary  bounty  offered  by  the 
State  ($86  2/3)  for  recruits  for  the  service.  Part  of  a  regiment,  con 
sisting  of  four  hundred  men  with  a  detachment  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  artillery,  marches  to-morrow  and  next  day  for  Ticoncleroga. 
The  enlistments  in  this  town  have  been  exceeding  rapid.  General 
Ward  is  here,  but  whether  he  acts  as  councillor  of  the  Massachusetts, 
or  a  continental  general,  is  difficult  to  say.  There  must  be  one  bat 
talion  of  artillery  raised  in  this  State,  for  all  the  old  artillery-men, 
who  have  been  two  years  in  the  service,  and  acquired  some  experi 
ence,  are  from  this  town  and  colony.  If  Congress  should  still  ad 
here  to  Brookfield  in  preference  to  Springfield,  it  will  delay  everything 
for  three  or  four  months.  I  wrote  to  General  Greene  from  Spring 
field  that  it  was  the  best  place  in  all  the  four  New  England  States 
for  a  laboratory,  cannon  foundry,  etc.,  and  I  hope  your  Excellency 
will  order  it  there." 

Knox's  advice  was  followed  and  the  establishment 
of  the  works  which  are  to-day  represented  by  the 
United  States  arsenal  at  Springfield  was  the  result 
of  his  wise  and  well-directed  labours.  It  may  be 
said  that  to  his  incessant  urging  upon  Congress  was 
due  the  ultimate  establishment  of  sundry  other 
foundries  and  laboratories  and  the  foundation  of  the 


Henry  Knox  [1776- 

Military  Academy  at  West  Point,  New  York.  A 
committee  of  the  Continental  Congress  visited 
Washington's  camp  on  Harlem  Heights,  in  Sep 
tember,  1776,  and  Knox,  with  others  of  the  army 
leaders,  was  requested  to  furnish  the  committee 
with  such  suggestions  for  the  information  of  Con 
gress  as  might  occur  to  him.  His  paper  was  headed 
'  Hints  to  Congressional  Committee  now  in  camp, 
Headquarters,  Harlem  Heights,  Sept.  27,  1776," 
and  is  filled  with  shrewd  and  practical  suggestions, 
some  of  which  were  destined,  in  later  years,  to 
justify  the  wisdom  of  the  able  officer  who  made 
them.  In  this  interesting  document  he  recommends 
laboratories  for  the  manufacture  of  materials  for 
gunpowder  and  fulminants,  ordnance  stores,  gun- 
carriages  and  equipments,  foundries  for  brass  can 
non,  etc.  He  adds:  "  And  as  officers  can  never  act 
with  confidence  until  they  are  Masters  of  their  pro 
fession,  an  Academy  established  on  a  liberal  plan 
would  be  of  the  utmost  service  to  America,  where 
the  whole  Theory  and  practice  of  Fortifications  and 
Gunnery  should  be  taught."  He  refers  to  the  mili 
tary  school  at  Woolwich,  England,  as  a  good  ex 
ample  of  an  institution  designed  as  a  training  school 
for  army  officers. 

Returning  to  New  Jersey,  Knox  was  next  en 
gaged,  with  General  Greene,  in  laying  out  a  new 
series  of  defensive  works  on  the  Jersey  side  of  the 
Hudson,  an  attack  by  the  enemy  from  that  direction 
being  among  the  possibilities  against  which  provision 
should  be  made.  Letters  from  his  wife  and  brother, 
written  about  this  time,  give  some  indication  of  the 


1777]         The  Fight  for  the  Jerseys          89 

personal  business  cares  that  were  intruded  upon  his 
attention  while  he  was  so  deeply  immersed  in  mili 
tary  labours.  William  Knox  had  succeeded  in  rent 
ing  the  building  formerly  occupied  by  his  brother  as 
a  bookstore  and  was  now  carrying  on  the  business 
under  the  advice  of  Mrs.  Knox,  who  constantly 
wrote  to  him  when  she  was  not  in  Boston,  giving 
many  practical  hints  for  his  guidance.  Among 
other  useful  suggestions,  Mrs.  Knox  advised  William 
not  to  confine  himself  exclusively  to  the  book  trade, 
but  to  look  up  other  bargains  which  might  prove 
equally  advantageous.  In  a  letter  written  to  Knox, 
March  18,  1777,  she  says  that  William  had  gone  to 
Newbury  to  purchase  a  cargo  of  stationery,  "  by 
which  he  thinks  he  shall  make  money."  And  a  few 
days  later,  William  writes  to  his  brother  that  he 
has  bought  quills,  foolscap  paper,  sealing-wax  and 
wafers,  the  cost  of  which  is  two  hundred  pounds 
sterling,  "  of  which,"  he  hopefully  adds,  "  I  shall 
make  a  very  pretty  profit." 

Knox  was  back  again  in  Morristown  for  a  short 
time,  a  few  days  later,  and,  elated  by  recent  acquisi 
tions  to  his  artillery  stores,  some  of  which  were  se 
cretly  furnished  from  France,  he  writes  on  the  last 
day  of  March  to  his  wife  as  follows:  "  The  enemy 
and  we  are  laying  upon  our  oars.  What  think  you 
of  the  care  of  Providence  to  America  in  bringing  in 
so  many  ammunitions,  notwithstanding  the  care  of 
our  very  malignant  enemies  ?  For  my  own  part,  I 
bow  with  Gratitude  to  that  High  Power  who  putteth 
up  and  putteth  down.  America,  under  His  smiles, 
shall  win," 


9°  Henry  Knox  [1776- 

At  this  time  Mrs.  Knox  was  sojourning  at  Sewall's 
Point  (now  Brookline),  near  Boston,  with  Mrs. 
Heath,  wife  of  the  major-general.  Mrs.  Knox  and 
her  infant,  her  second  child,  had  been  inoculated 
for  smallpox,  and  were  suffering  from  the  conse 
quent  effects  thereof.  The  good  lady  was  also  ex 
ceedingly  lonely,  as  appears  from  a  letter  written  at 
this  time  to  her  husband  in  which  she  says:  "  I  have 
no  company  but  Madame  Heath,  who  is  so  stiff  that 
it  is  impossible  to  be  sociable  with  her,  and  Mr. 
Gardner  the  treasurer,  so  you  may  well  think  what 
I  feel  under  my  present  anxiety." 

As  for  the  Flucker  family,  they  appear  to  have 
cut  off  all  communication  with  their  daughter  and 
sister  f  Mrs.  Knox,  who  writes  to  her  husband,  in 
answer  to  inquiries  from  him,  says  that  they  have 
sent  her  no  missive  or  message.  Replying  to  this, 
Knox,  writing  from  Morristown,  on  May  2Oth,  says: 
'  Though  your  parents  are  on  the  opposite  side  from 
your  Harry,  yet  it  's  very  strange  that  it  should 
divest  them  of  humanity.  Not  a  line!  My  God' 
what  stuff  is  the  human  heart  made  of  ?  Although 
father,  mother,  sister,  and  brother  have  forgotten 
you,  yet,  my  love,  your  Harry  will  ever  esteem  you 
the  best  boon  of  Heaven." 

A  little  later  than  this,  an  unpleasant  incident  in 
Knox's  career  threatened  to  put  an  end  to  his  in 
valuable  service  in  the  American  army.  Silas 
Deane,  one  of  the  commissioners  sent  to  France  by 
the  Continental  Congress  to  negotiate  with  France 
for  terms  of  amity  and  assistance,  somewhat  ex 
ceeded  his  powers  in  engaging  officers  of  rank  to 


I???]        The  Fight  for  the  Jerseys  91 

co-operate  in  this  country  with  the  Americans.  The 
agreement  was  that  the  French  officers  who  accepted 
service  in  the  American  army  should  have  there  the 
same  rank  that  they  held  in  the  French  army. 
Among  those  who  took  service  was  one  Ducoudray, 
an  engineer  officer  of  great  talent  and  ability.  He 
arrived  in  Boston  early  in  May,  expecting  to  be  as 
signed  to  duty  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  artil 
lery.  Mrs.  Knox,  who  was  then  in  Boston,  hearing 
of  Ducoudray's  pretensions,  wrote  thus  to  her  hus 
band,  who  had  returned  to  the  Jerseys: 

"  A  French  General  (Ducoudray),  who  styles  himself  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  continental  artillery,  is  now  in  town.  He  says  his 
appointment  is  from  Mr.  Deane,  that  he  is  going  immediately  to 
headquarters  to  take  command,  that  he  is  a  major-general,  and  a 
deal  of  it.  Who  knows  but  I  may  have  my  Harry  again  ?  This  I 
am  sure  of,  he  will  never  suffer  any  one  to  command  him  in  that  de 
partment.  If  he  does,  he  has  not  the  soul  which  I  now  think  him 
possessed  of." 

On  his  part,  Knox,  naturally  feeling  deeply  injured 
by  this  unexpected  attempt,  as  he  regarded  it,  to 
supersede  him  by  another  and  a  foreign  officer,  ad 
dressed  Congress  in  terms  that  were  at  once  firm  and 
respectful,  declining  to  serve  under  Mr.  Deane's 
appointee.  To  his  wife  he  wrote  from  Camp 
Middlebrook,  on  the  Raritan,  ten  miles  from  New 
Brunswick,  New  Jersey,  on  the  2 1st  of  June,  as 
follows : 

"We  have  the  most  respectable  body  of  continental  troops  that 
America  ever  had,  no  going  home  to-morrow  to  suck, — hardy, 
brave  fellows,  who  are  as  willing  to  go  to  heaven  by  the  way  of  a 
bayonet  or  sword  as  any  other  mode.  With  the  blessing  of  Heaven, 
I  have  great  hopes  in  the  course  of  this  campaign  that  we  shall  do 


92  Henry  Knox  [ii7(>- 

something  clever.  I  think  in  five  days  there  will  not  he  an  enemy 
in  the  Jerseys  ;  but  I  fear  they  will  go  up  the  North  River,  where 
perhaps  they  may  plague  us  more.  The  inhabitants  here  appeared 
as  one  man,  and  as  a  people  actuated  by  revenge  for  the  many  rapes 
and  murders  committed  on  them.  The  Congress  have  taken  some 
precious  steps  with  regard  to  Mr.  Ducoudray.  They  have  resolved 
that  Mr.  Deane  has  exceeded  his  commission,  and  that  they  cannot 
ratify  his  treaty  with  Mr.  Ducoudray.  Pretty  this ! — to  bring  a 
gentleman  1200  leagues  to  affront  him." 

Knox's  letter  to  Congress  was  addressed  to  John 
Hancock,  President  of  that  body,  and  was  dated  at 
Camp  Middlebrook,  July  I,  1777,  as  follows: 

"  SIR, — From  information  I  have  received  I  am  induced  to  believe 
that  Congress  has  appointed  a  Mr.  Ducoudray,  a  French  gentleman, 
to  the  command  of  the  artillery. 

"  I  wish  to  know  of  Congress  whether  this  information  be  true  ; 
if  it  is,  I  beg  the  favour  of  a  permission  to  retire,  and  that  a  proper 
certificate  for  that  purpose  be  sent  me  immediately. 

'*  1  am,  sir,  your  most  humble  servant, 

"  HENRY  KNOX." 
"  Hon.  JOHN  HANCOCK,  Esq." 

General  Washington  wrote  to  President  Hancock 
and  to  Richard  Henry  Lee,  a  member  from  Virginia, 
protesting  against  the  superseding  of  Knox  by  Du 
coudray,  adding  that  Ducoudray's  appointment 
would  cause  the  retirement  of  General  Knox,  who 
was  "  one  of  the  most  valuable  officers  in  the  service, 
and  who,  combating  almost  innumerable  difficulties 
in  the  department  he  fills,  had  placed  the  artillery 
upon  a  footing  that  does  him  the  greatest  honour  "  ; 
and  he  further  described  Knox  as  "  a  man  of  great 
military  reading,  sound  judgment,  and  clear  con 
ceptions."  General  Nathanael  Greene  and  General 
Sullivan  united  in  a  similar  letter  to  Congress. 


MAJOR-GENERAL  HENRY   KNOX. 

FROM    THE    STUDY    FOR    THE    ORIGINAL    PAINTING    BY    GILBERT    STUART. 


1777]         The  Fight  for  the  Jerseys  93 

The  effect  of  these  letters  is  thus  described  in  a 
letter  from  Knox  to  his  wife,  dated  at  Camp  Pomp- 
ton  Plains,  13  July,  17/7: 

"  The  letter  which  I  wrote  to  Congress,  to  know  whether  they  had 
appointed  Mr.  Ducoudray,  has,  in  conjunction  with  the  letters  of 
Generals  Sullivan  and  Greene,  produced  a  resolve  purporting  '  the 
said  letters  to  be  an  infringement  on  the  liberties  of  the  people,  as 
tending  to  influence  the  decisions  of  Congress,'  and  expecting  that 
we  make  acknowledgments  to  them  for  '  so  singular  an  impropriety.' 
Conscious  of  the  rectitude  of  my  intention  and  of  the  contents  of  my 
letter,  I  shall  make  no  acknowledgments  whatever.  Though  my 
country  is  too  much  pressed  at  present  to  resign,  yet  perhaps  this 
campaign  will  be  the  last.  I  am  determined  to  contribute  my  mite 
to  the  defence  of  the  country,  in  spite  of  every  obstacle." 

None  of  the  officers  thus  loftily  snubbed  by  Con 
gress  offered  either  apology  or  resignation.  But 
Congress  finally  resolved  that  Mr.  Deane's  engage 
ments  could  not  in  this  particular  be  ratified,  and 
the  difficulty  was  thus  removed.  Ducoudray  was 
subsequently  (August  II,  1777)  appointed  inspector- 
general  with  the  rank  of  major-general,  and  assigned 
to  the  duty  of  superintending  the  defensive  works 
on  the  Delaware.  These  works,  it  is  interesting  to 
recall,  were  planned  by  General  Knox  and  were  de 
scribed  in  a  memorandum  filed  by  him  with  the 
Commander-in-chief,  August  9,  1777.  Ducoudray's 
term  of  service  was  short.  On  the  nth  of  the  fol 
lowing  September,  while  hastening  to  the  battle  of 
Brandywine,  where  he  expected  to  serve  as  a  volun 
teer,  his  horse  became  restive  during  the  crossing  of 
the  Schuylkill,  and,  plunging  from  the  ferryboat, 
carried  with  him  his  rider,  who  was  drowned. 


94  Henry  Knox  [1776- 

Although  the  quotas  of  men  to  be  furnished  to 
the  army  by  the  order  of  Congress  were  never  quite 
filled,  and  recruits  came  in  slowly,  the  hearts  of  the 
commanding  officers  were  cheered  by  the  prospect 
of  a  victorious  summer  campaign.  Knox  wrote  to 
his  wife  from  Morristown,  on  May  2Oth,  in  these 
hopeful  terms : 

"  From  the  present  information  it  appears  that  America  will  have 
much  more  reason  to  hope  for  a  successful  campaign  the  ensuing 
summer  than  she  had  the  last.  Our  forces  come  in  pretty  fast  and 
are  disciplining  for  the  war.  We  are  well  supplied  with  arms  and 
amunitions  of  all  species  ;  this,  with  the  blessing  of  Heaven,  will 
assist  us  much  ;  but,  I  am  sorry  to  say  it,  we  seem  to  be  increasing 
most  rapidly  in  impiety.  This  is  a  bad  omen,  but  I  hope  we  shall 
mend,  though  I  see  no  immediate  prospect  of  it." 

As  in  more  recent  times,  the  American  army  was 
plagued  with  that  class  of  scamps  known  as 

bounty-jumpers."  We  have  seen  how  large  was 
the  bounty  offered  in  Massachusetts  to  volunteer  re 
cruits.  The  Continental  authorities  also  held  forth 
bounties  in  money  and  land  to  induce  recruiting, 
it  was  found  necessary,  while  Washington's  head 
quarters  were  at  Morristown,  to  issue  a  general  order 
calling  attention  to  the  "  frauds  and  abuses  com 
mitted  of  late  by  sundry  soldiers,  who,  after  enlisting 
in  one  regiment  and  receiving  the  bounty  allowed 
by  Congress,  have  deserted,  enlisted  in  others,  and 
received  new  bounties."  The  Commander-in-chief 
proceeded  to  declare  that  "  this  offence  is  *of  the 
most  enormous  and  flagrant  nature,  and  not  admit 
ting  the  least  palliation  or  excuse;  whoever  are  con 
victed  thereof,  and  sentenced  to  die,  may  consider 


J777]         The  Fight  for  the  Jerseys  95 

their  execution  certain  and  inevitable. ' '  What  with 
the  rawness  of  the  recruits,  their  lack  of  discipline, 
their  impiety,  and  their  frequent  inclination  to  ob 
tain  premiums  for  enlisting  and  then  to  desert,  the 
task  of  making  soldiers  of  the  material  offered  must 
have  been  vexatious  and  difficult. 


CHAPTER  V 


THE  CONTEST  MOVES  SOUTHWARD 

1/77 

|HE  events  narrated  in  the  preceding 
chapter  were  made  to  anticipate  some 
what  the  chronological  order  of  the 
history  of  the  time.  The  movements 
of  Howe,  whose  headquarters  were  in 
New  York,  remained  a  matter  of  anxious  speculation 
among  the  American  officers.  It  was  uncertain 
whether  he  would  return  to  New  England,  or  make 
a  descent  upon  Charleston,  S.  C.,  or  Baltimore,  or 
Philadelphia,  or  proceed  up  the  Hudson  and  effect 
a  junction  with  the  invading  army,  which,  under 
Burgoyne,  was  expected  to  move  down  from  Canada, 
some  ten  thousand  strong.  The  better  to  observe 
Howe  and  follow  him,  if  practicable,  Washington 
broke  up  his  winter  camp  at  Morristown  and  estab 
lished  himself  in  a  strong  position  at  Middlebrook, 
New  Jersey,  on  the  Raritan,  on  the  28th  of  May. 
But  it  was  not  until  the  I2th  of  June  that  the  British 
general  made  any  move  whatever.  At  that  time, 
he  sent  Cornwallis  out  to  feel  the  American  forces 

96 


i77?j   The  Contest  Moves  Southward     97 

and  to  surprise  General  Sullivan  at  Princeton.  The 
movement,  however,  was  sluggish,  as  usual,  and  it 
was  not  until  two  days  later  that  the  entire  army 
was  in  motion.  How  this  design  miscarried  is  de 
scribed  in  a  letter  from  Knox  to  his  intimate  friend, 
Henry  Jackson.  As  Jackson's  name  occurs  with 
great  frequency  in  Knox's  voluminous  correspond 
ence,  it  may  be  explained  here  that  he  was  a  native 
of  Massachusetts  and  had  been  appointed  colonel  of 
the  sixteenth  additional  Continental  battalion  raised 
in  that  State,  his  commission  being  dated  January 
12,  1777.  He  served  with  distinction  in  Sullivan's 
corps,  and  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
last  body  of  Continental  troops  that  were  disbanded 
in  1784.  To  him  Knox  was  indebted  for  important 
financial  aid  in  his  later  enterprises.  Writing  to 
him  from  "  Camp  Middlebrook,  21  June,  1777," 
Knox  says: 

"  General  Howe,  on  the  I4th,  put  his  whole  army  in  motion.  He 
had  for  a  long  time  past  been  collecting  his  force  from  Rhode  Island, 
New  York,  Staten  Island,  etc.  The  boats  upon  which  he  designed 
to  cross  the  Delaware  as  a  bridge  were  fixed  on  waggons,  besides 
which  he  had  a  large  number  of  flat-bottom  boats  fixed  on  waggons 
to  transport  to  the  Delaware.  These  boats  with  the  necessary  appar 
atus,  waggons  to  convey  the  baggage  and  the  ammunition  waggons, 
etc.,  swelled  the  number  of  his  waggons  to  perhaps  1000  or  noo,  a 
great  incumbrance  to  an  army  not  very  numerous.  As  I  have  before 
written,  our  position  was  exceeding  good,  and  while  we  continued 
on  it,  the  passage  to  the  Delaware  would  be  rendered  extremely  pre 
carious,  and  to  attack  us  in  camp  was  an  event  much  to  be  wished. 
However,  something  was  to  be  done.  General  Sullivan  was  posted  at 
Princeton  with  a  force  pretty  respectable  in  itself  but  not  sufficient 
to  stop  General  Howe's  army  ;  and  he  might,  by  a  forced  march, 
push  a  column  between  Princeton  and  us,  and  cut  off  General  Sulli 
van's  communications,  at  least  ;  but  our  intelligence  being  pretty 


98  Henry  Knox  [1777 

good,  the  General  directed  Sullivan  to  take  post  about  four  miles 
from  Princeton  in  such  a  manner  that  the  surrounding  of  him  would 
be  impracticable.  We  also  had  a  party  at  Milstone  as  a  cover  for  the 
ammunition  to  Princeton.  This  was  a  dangerous  post  from  its 
proximity  to  the  enemy,  but  rendered  less  so  by  the  extreme  vigilance 
which  we  recommended  and  which  the  commanding  officer  particu 
larly  obeyed.  Matters  were  thus  situated  on  the  morning  of  the 
I4th,  when  we  discovered  that  the  party  at  Milstone  was  attacked. 
Support  was  immediately  sent  to  cover  the  retreat  of  the  party,  when 
it  was  discovered  to  be  the  enemy's  main  body,  as  the  same  body  of 
observation  posted  there  were  obliged  to  retreat  ' pretty  quick.'  The 
enemy  took  position.  Our  whole  army  was  immediately  ordered 
under  arms,  ready  to  be  put  in  motion  ;  but  the  conduct  of  the 
enemy  rendered  it  unnecessary,  for,  instead  of  immediately  pushing 
for  the  Delaware,  distant  about  twenty-five  miles,  or  attacking  Gen 
eral  Sullivan,  he  sat  down  on  the  ground  and  instantly  began  to 
fortify  in  a  very  strong  position  ;  but  it  was  not  till  the  next  day  that 
we  discovered  their  work.  Their  conduct  was  perplexing.  It  was 
unaccountable  that  people  who  the  day  before  gave  out  in  very  gas 
conading  terms  that  they  would  be  in  Philadelphia  in  six  days  should 
stop  short  when  they  had  gone  only  nine  miles.  The  intelligence 
was  pretty  good  with  respect  to  their  designs,  yet  it  was  too  imper 
fect  in  respect  to  their  numbers  to  warrant  an  attack  on  troops  so 
well  disciplined,  and  posted  as  they  were.  We  also,  in  the  course 
of  a  day  or  two,  discovered  that  they  had  not  moved  with  any  bag 
gage,  even  tents  and  the  most  necessary,  but  had  come  out  with  an 
intention  of  drawing  us  into  the  plain  ;  had  left  their  immense  num 
ber  of  waggons  behind  them ;  but,  even  in  this  kind  of  ostentatious 
challenge,  they  omitted  not  one  precaution  for  their  own  safety. 
They  had  Brunswick  and  the  Raritan  River  on  their  right,  secured 
by  eight  or  ten  strong  redoubts.  At  Brunswick  the  Raritan  bends 
and  runs  a  little  way  north  and  then  turns  nearly  west.  This  they 
had  in  their  front,  secured  by  strong  redoubts  at  Middlebrook. 
Their  left  was  secured  by  the  river  Milstone,  which  empties  itself 
into  the  Raritan  near  Bound  Brook.  From  their  right  to  left  was 
about  eight  miles. 

"  In  this  situation  they  continued  until  early  in  the  morning  of 
the  igth,  continually  at  work  throwing  up  redoubts.  We  had  a 
large  body  of  riflemen,  under  Colonel  Morgan,  perpetually  making 
inroads  upon  them,  attacking  their  pickets,  killing  their  light-horse  j 


1777]    The  Contest  Moves  Southward      99 

and  beset  them  in  such  a  manner  that  Mr.  Howe,  instead  of  march 
ing  to  Philadelphia,  found  himself  almost  blockaded  in  an  open, 
flat  country.  Nothing  could  exceed  the  spirit  shown  on  this  occa 
sion  by  the  much  injured  people  of  the  Jerseys.  Not  an  atom  of 
the  lethargic  spirit  that  possessed  them  last  winter, — all  fire,  all  re 
venge.  The  militia  of  Pennsylvania  likewise  turned  out  universally, 
so  that,  had  Sir  William  put  his  attempt  into  execution,  we  should 
probably  have  had  twenty-five  or  thirty  thousand  militia  upon  his 
back,  besides  the  most  respectable  body  of  continental  troops  that 
ever  were  in  America. 

"  These  things  being  fully  represented  to  General  Howe,  he 
thought  it  proper  to  take  himself  and  light  army  back  to  Brunswick 
again,  and  accordingly  marched,  about  one  o'clock  in  the  morning 
of  the  igth,  without  beat  of  drum  or  sound  of  fife.  When  his  army 
had  gotten  beyond  reach  of  pursuit,  they  began  to  burn,  plunder 
and  waste  all  before  them.  The  desolation  they  committed  was 
horrid  and  served  to  show  the  malice  which  marks  their  conduct. 

"  The  militia  light  horse  and  riflemen  exhibited  the  greatest  marks 
of  valour,  frequently  taking  prisoners  within  two  hundred  yards 
of  their  encampment.  Their  loss  must  be  at  least  one  hundred 
killed  and  wounded  and  taken  prisoners,  among  whom  are  two  lieu 
tenants  of  grenadiers  of  the  55th,  and  a  cornet  of  light  horse  and  a 
number  killed,  two  sergeants  taken.  This  little  march  of  General 
Howe  fully  proved  that  no  people  or  country  can  be  permanently 
conquered  where  the  inhabitants  are  unanimous  in  opposition." 

It  appears  from  Knox's  letter  that  Howe  put  his 
whole  army  in  motion  on  the  I4th  of  June,  thereby 
impressing  the  Americans  with  the  notion  that  an 
active  campaign  was  about  to  begin.  He  had  been 
drawing  in  his  forces  from  Connecticut,  New  York, 
and  Staten  Island,  and  had  provided  himself  with  a 
pontoon  train  and  other  contrivances  for  crossing 
streams.  These,  with  the  ammunition  waggons 
swelled  his  transportation  to  one  thousand  or  twelve 
hundred  waggons.  The  main  army  of  Washington 
was  posted  along  the  Raritan,  making  the  passage 


ioo  Henry  Knox  [1777 

of  the  enemy  to  the  Delaware  extremely  hazardous. 
Sullivan,  with  a  small  force,  was  at  Princeton,  and 
another  and  smaller  force  was  at  Milstone,  prepared 
to  parry  any  blow  that  might  be  aimed  at  Sullivan's 
detachment. 

Howe  attacked  the  party  at  Milstone,  and,  covered 
on  their  retreat  by  a  force  from  the  Raritan,  the 
Americans  fell  back  upon  Princeton.  Washington 
ordered  his  whole  army  to  be  under  arms  and  ready 
to  move,  but  the  British  unaccountably  paused  and 
began  to  intrench  themselves  instead  of  pushing  on 
to  the  Delaware,  twenty-five  miles  distant,  or  attack 
ing  General  Sullivan.  Knox  says:  "  Their  conduct 
was  perplexing.  It  was  unaccountable  that  the 
people  who,  the  day  before,  had  given  out,  in  very 
gasconading  terms  that  they  would  be  in  Philadel 
phia  in  six  days,  should  stop  short  when  they  had 
gone  only  nine  miles."  In  a  very  good  position  for 
defence,  the  British  remained,  continually  throwing 
up  redoubts,  until  the  morning  of  the  nineteenth, 
when,  finding  himself  blockaded  in  the  midst  of  an 
open  country  by  the  Americans,  who  had  gradually 
closed  in  upon  him  with  much  raiding  and  harass 
ing,  Howe  thought  proper  to  betake  himself  back  to 
Brunswick.  To  Brunswick  he  accordingly  went 
"  about  one  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  igth, 
without  beat  of  drum  or  sound  of  fife.  When  his 
army  had  gotten  beyond  the  reach  of  pursuit,  they 
began  to  burn,  plunder,  and  waste  all  before  them. 
The  clesolation  they  committed  was  horrid,  and 
served  to  show  the  malice  which  marks  their  con 
duct." 


1777]   The  Contest  Moves  Southward    101 

Knox  pays  a  warm  tribute  to  the  spirit  exhibited 
at  this  time  by  "  the  much  injured  people  of  New 
Jersey  "  and  adds:  "  This  little  march  of  General 
Howe's  fully  proves  that  no  people  or  country  can 
be  permanently  conquered  where  the  inhabitants  are 
unanimous  in  opposition." 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  whatever  may  have  been  the 
original  plans  of  Howe,  he  now  withdrew  once  more 
from  New  Jersey,  his  entire  army  crossing  to  Staten 
Island  on  the  3<Dth  of  June.  From  that  time  for 
ward,  for  several  weeks,  his  movements  were  veiled 
in  such  secrecy  that  the  Americans  were  compelled 
to  depend  upon  guesswork  and  probabilities  for  a 
solution  of  the  military  problem  presented  to  them. 
Even  when  he  finally  set  sail  from  New  York,  on 
the  23d  of  July,  Washington  was  still  left  in  doubt 
as  to  his  ultimate  destination.  In  a  breezy  letter  to 
his  wife,  dated  at  "  Beverhout,  8  miles  north  of 
Morristown,  26th  July,  1777,"  Knox  makes  these 
comments  on  Howe's  motions: 

"  General  Howe  has  sailed  from  the  Hook,  we  suppose  for  Phila 
delphia,  therefore  we  are  now  marching  that  way.  If  he  is  not  going 
there,  then  Boston  must  be  his  object.  We  intercepted  a  letter  from 
him  to  General  Burgoyne,  purporting  that  the  expedition  up  the 
North  River  is  given  up  for  one  to  Boston.  This  letter  was  designed 
to  fall  into  our  hands,  in  order  to  deceive.  We  suppose  he  will  be 
at  Philadelphia  near  as  soon  as  we  :  we  are  now  four  days'  march 
from  it.  Upon  the  whole,  I  know  he  ought,  in  justice  to  his  mas 
ter,  to  either  go  up  the  North  River  or  to  the  eastward,  and  endeavour 
to  form  a  junction  with  Burgoyne  ;  therefore  (if  he  is  not  a  fool),  he 
will  operate  accordingly  ;  but  we  are  bound  to  Philadelphia  upon 
this  supposition,  and  it;s  very  reasonable." 

If  Lord  Howe  had  been  as  shrewdly  advised  as 


102  Henry  Knox  [1777 

he  might  have  been  by  some  strategist  as  competent 
as  Knox,  the  disasters  that  soon  after  overtook  the 
British  army  of  invasion,  east  of  the  Hudson,  would 
probably  have  been  averted.  Howe's  destination 
was  Philadelphia,  and  on  the  3Oth  of  July,  the  fleet 
appeared  in  the  mouth  of  the  Delaware.  But  that 
stream  was  so  obstructed  that  he  again  put  to  sea, 
leaving  his  enemy  still  in  doubt  as  to  his  ultimate 
objective  point.  Washington's  headquarters  were 
now  established  on  Neshaminy  Creek,  about  twenty 
miles  north  of  Philadelphia,  where  an  enforced  wait 
of  a  fortnight  kept  the  Commander-in-chief  anxious 
to  ascertain  the  next  move  of  his  adversary.  At 
this  camp  Washington  was  joined  by  several  volun 
teer  foreign  officers  of  distinction,  among  them  be 
ing  Lafayette,  De  Kalb,  and  eleven  others.  These 
two  first-named  officers  were  commissioned  major- 
generals,  after  some  delay,  by  Congress. 

It  was  now  supposed  that  Howe  had  either  set 
sail  for  Charleston,  or  that  he  had  doubled  on  his 
tracks  and  had  gone  to  Boston.  A  council  of  war 
in  the  American  camp  decided  that  Charleston  was 
the  destination  of  the  fleet,  and  that  a  retrograde 
movement  upon  the  Hudson,  for  the  purpose  of 
heading  off  Burgoyne,  was  advisable.  Just  then  the 
British  fleet  was  reported  off  the  capes  of  the  Chesa 
peake,  and  Washington's  army,  now  numbering 
about  seven  thousand  men,  was  set  in  motion  south 
ward  through  Philadelphia.  On  the  25th  of  August, 
Knox  wrote  as  follows  to  his  wife: 

"  The  army  yesterday  marched  through  the  city  of  Philadelphia. 
Their  excellent  appearance  and  marching  astonished  the  Tories,  who 


1777]    The  Contest  Moves  Southward    103 

are  very  downcast  on  the  respectability  of  the  army.  I  was  so  un 
happy  as  to  be  absent  at  this  time.  General  Greene  and  myself 
begged  the  favour  of  his  Excellency's  permission  to  pay  a  visit  to 
Bethlehem,  distant  about  forty  miles,  to  purchase  some  things  for  my 
dear,  dear  Lucy.  The  weather  was  extremely  hot,  and  we  set  out 
about  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  and  arrived  the  next  morning  at 
nine.  An  express  from  the  general  was  waiting  for  us  with  orders 
to  return  immediately  :  he  had  rode  all  night.  However,  we  first 
visited  all  parts  of  this  singularly  happy  place,  where  all  the  inhabit 
ants  seem  to  vie  with  each  other  in  humility  and  brotherly  kindness. 
We  joined  the  army,  after  a  most  fatiguing  jaunt  of  a  hundred  miles 
yesterday,  about  an  hour  after  they  had  passed  through  Philadelphia." 

Washington's  line  of  march  took  him  to  Wilming 
ton,  Delaware,  and  on  the  first  day  of  September, 
Knox,  writing  from  that  town,  announced  the  land 
ing  of  the  British  in  this  letter: 

"The  enemy  have  landed  at  the  head  of  the  Elk,  in  Maryland, 
about  twenty  miles  from  this.  Whether  they  intend  to  advance  or 
not  is  at  present  uncertain.  We  shall  remain  here  a  few  days  ;  and 
if  they  will  not  come  to  us,  we  shall  go  to  them.  It  is  supposed 
that  the  enemy  intend  for  Philadelphia  ;  if  so,  they  will  meet  with  a 
stout  opposition.  I  am  at  this  moment  president  of  a  court-martial 
to  try  an  officer  of  General  Howe  for  recruiting  in  the  Jerseys." 

Howe's  forces  were  now  concentrated  at  Kennett 
Square,  about  seven  miles  south  of  the  Brandywine 
River.  Of  the  fighting  at  Chad's  Ford,  and  the 
battle  of  Brandywine  it  is  not  necessary  now  to 
speak  in  detail.  The  efforts  of  the  Continental 
army,  heroic  though  they  were,  were  not  adequate 
to  head  off  the  British  march  upon  Philadelphia. 
Knox's  first  letter,  written  after  the  battle,  was  ad 
dressed  to  his  wife  to  assure  her  that  he  had  not 
been  whelmed  in  the  great  disaster.  He  says : 


104  Henry  Knox  [1777 

"  My  dear  girl  will  be  happy  to  hear  of  her  Harry's  safety  ;  for, 
my  Lucy,  Heaven,  who  is  our  guide,  has  protected  him  in  the  day  of 
battle.  You  will  hear  with  this  letter  of  the  most  severe  action  that 
has  been  fought  this  war  between  our  army  and  the  enemy.  Our 
people  behaved  well,  but  Heaven  frowned  upon  us  in  a  degree.  We 
were  obliged  to  retire  after  a  very  considerable  slaughter  of  the 
enemy  :  they  dared  not  pursue  a  single  step.  If  they  advance,  we 
shall  fight  them  again  before  they  get  possession  of  Philadelphia  ; 
but  of  this  they  will  be  cautious.  My  corps  did  me  great  honour ; 
they  behaved  like  men  contending  for  every  thing  that 's  valuable." 

A  contemporary  account  says  of  Knox's  men  : 
"  The  regiment  of  artillery  with  their  general  be 
haved  with  their  usual  coolness  and  intrepidity. 
Some  of  them  could  scarce  be  prevailed  on  to  quit 
their  guns,  even  when  surrounded  by  the  enemy 
and  forsaken  by  our  infantry." 

Knox's  official  account  of  the  battle  of  Brandy- 
wine  was  sent  to  the  President  of  the  Council  of 
Massachusetts.* 

The  American  loss  was  set  down  at  nearly  three 
hundred  killed,  five  hundred  wounded,  and  ten 
field-pieces  captured  by  the  enemy.  The  British 
loss  was  reported  to  be  something  less  than  six  hun 
dred  killed,  wounded,  and  missing.  The  shattered 
army  of  Washington  now  fell  back  upon  Philadelphia 
and  Germantown,  crossing  the  Schuylkill  on  the 
1 3th  of  September.  Howe  advanced  to  meet  it, 
and  at  one  time  a  pitched  battle  seemed  to  be  immi 
nent,  when  a  rainstorm  of  extraordinary  violence  set 
in  and  the  ammunition  of  Washington's  men  was  so 
damaged  by  water  flowing  into  the  cartridge  boxes 
that  a  retreat  was  ordered  and  the  army  fell  back  to 

*  See  Appendix, 


THE  MARQUIS  DE   LAFAYETTE. 

FROM    A    FRENCH    PRINT.     1781. 


1777]    The  Contest  Moves  Southward    105 

French  Creek,  Warwick  Township,  to  repair  and 
refit.  These  movement  are  thus  described  in  a 
letter  from  Knox  to  his  wife,  dated  at  Pottstown, 
Sept.  24,  1777: 

"  I  wrote  you  on  the  I3th.  The  same  day  we  crossed  the  Schuyl- 
kill,  in  order  to  try  the  issue  of  another  appeal  to  Him  who  directs 
all  human  events.  After  some  days'  manoeuvring,  we  came  in  sight 
of  the  enemy,  and  drew  up  in  order  of  battle,  which  the  enemy  de 
clined  ;  but  a  most  violent  rain  coming  on  obliged  us  to  change  our 
position,  in  the  course  of  which  nearly  all  the  musket  cartridges  of 
the  army  that  had  been  delivered  to  the  men  were  damaged,  consist 
ing  of  above  400,000.  This  was  a  most  terrible  stroke  to  us,  and 
owing  entirely  to  the  badness  of  the  cartridge-boxes  which  had  been 
provided  for  the  army. 

"  This  unfortunate  event  obliged  us  to  retire,  in  order  to  get  sup 
plied  with  so  essential  an  article  as  cartridges,  after  which  we  forded 
the  Schuylkill,  in  order  to  be  opposite  to  the  enemy  ;  accordingly  we 
took  post  at  a  place  called  Flatland  Ford. 

"A  defensive  war  is  the  most  difficult  to  guard  against,  because 
one  is  always  obliged  to  attend  to  the  feints  of  the  enemy.  To  de 
fend  an  extensive  river  when  it  is  unfordable  is  almost  impossible  ; 
but  when  fordable  in  every  part,  it  becomes  impracticable.  On  the 
afternoon  of  the  2ist  the  enemy  made  a  most  rapid  march  of  ten  or 
twelve  miles  to  our  right  :  this  obliged  us  to  follow  them.  They 
kindled  large  fires,  and  in  the  next  night  marched  as  rapidly  back 
and  crossed  at  a  place  where  we  had  few  guards,  and  pushed  towards 
Philadelphia,  and  will  this  morning  enter  the  city  without  opposi 
tion.  We  fought  one  battle  for  it,  and  it  was  no  deficiency  in  brav 
ery  that  lost  us  the  day.  Philadelphia,  it  seems,  has  been  their 
favourite  object.  Their  shipping  has  not  joined  them  there.  They 
will  first  have  to  raise  the  chevaux  de  frise  in  the  Delaware,  and 
defeat  the  naval  force  there,  which  is  considerable. 

"  The  troops  in  this  excursion  of  ten  days  without  baggage  suffered 
excessive  hardships, — without  tents  in  the  rain,  several  marches  of 
all  night,  and  often  without  sufficient  provision.  This  they  endured 
with  the  perseverance  and  patience  of  good  soldiers.  Generals 
Smallwood,  Wayne,  McDougall,  and  a  considerable  body  of  militia, 
will  join  us  to-day  and  to-morrow.  This  day  we  shall  move  towards 


io6  Henry  Knox  [1777 

Philadelphia,  in  order  to  try  the  fortune  of  another  battle  in  which 
we  devoutly  hope  the  blessing  of  Heaven.  I  consider  the  loss  of 
Philadelphia  as  only  temporary, — to  be  recovered  when  expedient. 
It  is  no  more  than  the  loss  of  Boston,  nor,  in  my  opinion,  half  so 
much,  when  the  present  trade  of  the  latter  be  considered.  It  is  situ 
ated  on  a  point  of  land  formed  by  the  rivers  Delaware  and  Schuylkill, 
so  that  it  would  have  been  highly  improper  to  have  thrown  ourselves 
into  it. 

If  the  enemy  do  not  get  their  shipping  up  soon,  and  go  into 
Philadelphia,  they  will  be  in  a  very  ineligible  situation.  I  do  not  in 
the  present  circumstances  consider  Philadelphia  of  so  much  conse 
quence  as  the  loss  of  reputation  to  our  arms  ;  but  I  trust  in  God  we 
shall  soon  make  up  that  matter.  Billy  *  is  well,  and  undergoes  the 
hardships  of  the  campaign  surprisingly  well,  and  they  are  neither 
few  nor  small." 

Great  was  the  panic  in  Philadelphia  when  the  in 
habitants  of  the  capital  were  told  that  the  British 
army  was  approaching  and  could  be  in  the  city  within 
a  few  hours.  The  members  of  the  Continental  Con 
gress  were  roused  from  their  beds  at  midnight  of  the 
igth  of  the  month,  Alexander  Hamilton,  of  Wash 
ington's  staff,  being  the  bearer  of  the  evil  tidings. 
The  delegates,  who  were  under  the  royal  ban  as 
traitors  of  the  deepest  dye,  set  off  in  hot  haste,  and 
the  exultant  Tories  made  ready  to  receive  the  King's 
army  with  acclaim.  But,  although  the  message  of 
Washington  warned  the  people  that  the  enemy  could 
be  in  the  city  within  a  few  hours,  Howe,  marching 
with  his  customary  deliberation,  gave  ample  time 
for  the  escape  of  those  who  had  the  best  reason  to 
dread  capture;  and  it  was  not  until  the  forenoon  of 
the  26th  that  Cornwallis,  with  his  Hessians  and 

*  Knox's  brother,  William,  had  joined  the  army  at  this  time,  and 
was  with  the  column  until  after  the  battle  of  Germantown. 


The  Contest  Moves  Southward    107 


English,  entered  the  city  amid  the  cheers  of  the 
Tories.  On  the  3d  of  October,  Knox  wrote  to  his 
friend  Colonel  Henry  Jackson  from  "  Camp  at 
Metuchin,  twenty  miles  from  Philadelphia,"  as 
follows  : 

"  MY  DEAR  HARRY,  —  The  enemy  are  now  encamped  at  PhiladeL 
phia  and  its  environs  for  about  six  miles.  The  Delaware  frigate  was 
given  up  to  them  in  a  manner  scandalous  to  relate.  The  crew,  it  's 
said,  after  they  had  fired  one  broadside  at  a  battery  which  was  erect 
ing  near  the  city,  ran  her  ashore,  and  gave  her  up  to  the  Britons. 
The  crew  were  principally  foreigners.  Our  army  has  had  several 
reinforcements  of  militia,  etc.,  since  the  late  action.  I  hope  for 
better  success  in  the  next  ;  and  an  action  we  shall  most  assuredly 
have  before  we  go  into  winter  quarters." 

The  British  approach  to  Philadelphia  by  water 
was  hindered  by  a  fleet  of  small  armed  craft  that 
hovered  around  the  mouth  of  the  Delaware  River, 
just  above  a  line  of  obstructions  that  had  been 
drawn  across  the  stream  by  the  Americans,  and  by 
two  forts  —  Fort  Mifflin  on  an  island  off  the  Pennsyl 
vania  side  of  the  river  and  Fort  Mercer  on  New 
Jersey  side.  Howe  sent  down  a  detachment  of 
troops  to  reduce  these  two  forts,  and  Washington, 
learning  by  intercepted  letters  of  this  reduction  of 
the  main  army  of  the  British,  resolved  to  attack  the 
enemy,  whose  position,  divided  between  German- 
town  and  Philadelphia,  appeared  to  offer  an  oppor 
tunity.  By  breaking  the  line  of  reinforcement  from 
Philadelphia  and  attacking  him  on  the  flank  and 
front,  it  was  hoped  that  that  part  of  the  army 
quartered  in  Germantown  could  be  routed  before  aid 
could  arrive  from  Philadelphia.  This  well-planned 


io8  Henry  Knox  [1777 

assault  was  defeated.  The  Americans  moved  in  four 
columns,  the  main  reliance  being  upon  the  two  cen 
tral  columns,  one  of  which  was  commanded  by 
Greene  and  the  other  by  Sullivan.  The  movement 
began  on  the  evening  of  the  3d  of  October.  The 
enemy  were  completely  surprised  and  the  Americans 
pressed  eagerly  on,  Washington,  Knox,  and  other 
officers  of  the  staff  riding  in  the  rear  with  Lord 
Stirling's  reserves. 

Sullivan's  column,  which  was  composed  of  his 
own  and  Wayne's  divisions,  had  passed  the  stone 
mansion  known  as  the  "Chew  house"  without 
noticing  that  a  British  force  of  about  two  hundred 
had  occupied  the  structure,  and,  by  barricading  the 
lower  story,  had  converted  it  into  a  fortress  of  con 
siderable  strength.  This  was  discovered  when  Stir 
ling's  reserves  came  up,  and  the  British  troops  in  the 
house  opened  fire  upon  them.  A  consultation  was 
held  to  consider  the  expediency  of  reducing  the  im 
provised  fort  before  going  on.  Knox  insisted  that 
it  was  against  all  military  rule  and  tradition  to  leave 
a  fortification  in  the  rear,  and  operations  against  the 
house  were  begun.  But  the  light  field-pieces  and 
musketry  of  the  assailants  had  little  effect  upon  the 
solid  walls  of  the  mansion,  although  the  scars  of 
shot  remain  unto  this  day  to  testify  to  the  severity 
of  the  fusillade. 

For  two  hours  a  hot  contest  raged  around  the 
Chew  house,  and  the  unexpected  choice  of  this 
now  historic  mansion  as  the  pivotal  point  of  the 
battle  not  only  misled  the  troops  in  the  advance, 
but  it  confused  the  line  of  march  and  detained 


1777]    The  Contest  Moves  Southward    109 

Stirling's  reserves  who  were  coming  up  to  the  support 
of  Sullivan's  and  Wayne's  columns.  Worse  than 
this,  the  troops,  now  enveloped  in  the  smoke  of 
battle  and  a  heavy  fog,  in  the  early  morning  light, 
were  thrown  into  inextricable  confusion  on  the  left 
of  Wayne's  command.  General  Stephens,  on  the 
left,  made  the  blunder  of  supposing  the  firing  at 
the  Chew  house  to  be  an  attack  by  the  British  in  the 
rear;  and  he  accordingly  changed  his  line  of  march 
and  turning  in  that  direction,  fell  upon  Wayne's  rear 
and  began  a  fire  into  the  American  troops.  This 
disastrous  blunder  lost  the  battle  of  Germantown. 
It  was  believed  that  the  day  was  won  for  the  Ameri 
cans  when  Stephens's  attack  on  Wayne's  rear  de 
stroyed  all  hope  of  success.  A  court-martial  showed 
that  Stephens  was  drunk  at  the  time  he  left  his 
proper  line  of  march,  and  he  was  dismissed  from  the 
service.  Whether  Knox's  advice  to  attack  the  Chew 
house  was  sound  has  since  been  debated  by  compet 
ent  military  critics  without  any  conclusive  verdict. 
Washington,  who  was  a  man  of  independent  judg 
ment,  sanctioned  the  attack,  which  was  conducted 
under  his  own  eyes.  It  may  be  observed  that  in 
Knox's  report  of  the  battle  of  Germantown,  sent  to 
General  Artemas  Ward,  President  of  the  Council  of 
Massachusetts,  no  allusion  is  made  to  the  Chew 
house  incident.  The  report  is  herewith  printed: 

"ARTILLERY  PARK,  PERKEOMY  CREEK, 
"  (27  MILES  FROM  PHILADELPHIA),  October  7,  1777. 

"  HON.  ARTEMAS  WARD  : 

"  SIR, — I  shall  endeavour  to  give  you  a  short  authentic  account  of  an 


no  Henry  Knox  [1777 

attack  made  by  our  army  on  the  British  army,  lying  at  Germantown, 
six  miles  from  Philadelphia,  on  the  morning  of  the  4th  instant. 

"At  six  o'clock  on  the  evening  of  the  3d,  the  army,  under  his 
Excellency  General  Washington,  began  their  march  in  four  columns 
on  as  many  roads  towards  the  enemy  ;  the  nearest  column  had  to 
march  fourteen,  and  some  twenty,  miles.  By  marching  all  night, 
the  columns  arrived  a  little  after  break  of  day  (opposite)  to  the  re 
spective  posts  of  the  enemy  assigned  to  them.  The  attack  com 
menced  by  forcing  their  pickets,  which  were  soon  reinforced  in  front 
by  all  the  light  infantry  of  the  line  and  other  troops.  After  a  smart 
action,  these  were  obliged  to  give  way,  our  troops  pressing  on  with 
great  spirit  and  good  order. 

"  The  different  attacks  being  made  at  the  same  time  distracted 
the  enemy's  attention  so  much,  that  after  about  an  hour's  engage 
ment  they  began  to  give  way  on  every  part ;  but,  most  unfortunately 
for  us,  a  fog  which  had  arisen  about  daybreak  became  so  excessively 
thick  from  the  continued  firing  that  it  was  impossible  to  discover  an 
object  at  twenty  yards'  distance. 

"  This  was  the  unhappy  cause  of  our  losing  the  victory  after  being 
in  possession  of  it  for  near  two  hours,  and  having  driven  the  enemy 
above  two  miles  from  the  place  where  the  engagement  begun,  quite 
through  their  encampment.  In  this  unusual  fog  it  was  impossible 
to  know  how  to  support,  or  what  part  to  push.  At  this  instant,  the 
enemy  again  rallied  and  obliged  part  of  our  troops  to  retire  ;  and 
after  a  smart  resistance,  the  retreat  of  the  line  became  general.  The 
enemy  followed  with  caution,  and  we  came  off  without  the  loss  of  a 
single  piece  of  cannon  or  any  thing  else,  except  one  empty  ammuni 
tion  waggon,  the  engagement  from  beginning  to  end  being  about  two 
hours  and  forty  minutes. 

"Our  loss  in  killed,  wounded,  and  missing,  is  not  fully  ascer 
tained,  but  will  not  exceed  five  hundred  or  six  hundred.  We  had  a 
very  considerable  number  of  officers  of  merit  killed  and  wounded. 
Brigadier-General  Nash,  of  North  Carolina,  mortally  wounded  by  a 
cannon-ball  taking  off  his  thigh. 

"The  enemy's  loss,  we  hear  from  pretty  good  authority,  is  very 
considerable  ;  General  Agnew  killed,  Sir  William  Erskine  wounded. 
This  is  the  first  attack  made  during  this  war  by  the  American  troops 
on  the  main  body  of  the  enemy  ;  and  had  it  not  been  for  the  unlucky 
circumstance  of  the  fog,  Philadelphia  would  probably  have  been  in 
our  hands.  It  is  matter  worthy  of  observation  that  in  most  other 


1777]   The  Contest  Moves  Southward    1 1 1 

countries  which  have  been  invaded  one  or  two  battles  have  decided  - 
their  fate  ;  but  America  rises  after  a  defeat  ! 

"  We  were  more  numerous  after  the  battle  of  Brandy  wine  than 
before,  and  we  have  demonstration  of  being  more  numerous  now 
than  before  the  4th.  Our  men  are  in  the  highest  spirits,  and  ardently 
desire  another  trial.  I  know  of  no  ill  consequences  that  can  follow 
the  late  action  ;  on  the  contrary,  we  have  gained  considerable  experi 
ence,  and  our  army  have  a  certain  proof  that  the  British  troops  are 
vulnerable." 

Washington's  army  fell  back  upon  Metuchen  Hill, 
where,  about  two  weeks  later,  the  inspiriting  news 
of  Burgoyne's  surrender  to  Gates  at  Saratoga  was 
received.  Notwithstanding  the  confusion  occa 
sioned  by  the  rivalries  and  jealousies  among  the 
American  commanders,  and  the  reverses  with  which 
their  defensive  campaign  had  opened,  St.  Leger, 
marching  to  the  support  of  Burgoyne,  had  been  cut 
off,  and  the  battles  of  Bennington,  Oriskany,  and 
Stillwater  rendered  Burgoyne's  position  exceedingly 
critical.  His  final  surrender  on  the  iSth  of  October, 
1777,  was  hailed  by  the  patriotic  people  of  the  young 
States  with  rapture  and  hopeful  enthusiasm.  While 
this  campaign  was  in  progress,  but  before  Burgoyne's 
surrender  was  an  accomplished  fact,  Knox,  writing 
to  his  wife,  after  the  battle  of  Stillwater,  or  Free 
man's  farm,  says:  "  Observe,  my  dear  girl,  how 
Providence  supports  us.  The  advantages  gained 
by  our  Northern  army  give  almost  a  decisive  turn 
to  the  contest.  For  my  own  part,  I  have  not  yet 
seen  so  bright  a  dawn  as  the  prospect,  and  I  am  as 
perfectly  convinced  in  my  own  mind  of  the  kind 
ness  of  Providence  towards  us  as  I  am  of  my  own 
existence." 


ii2  Henry  Knox  [1777 

The  British  continued  to  batter  at  the  forts  block 
ing  the  entrance  to  the  Delaware,  but  with  very 
little  success.  In  an  attack  on  Fort  Mercer,  the 
Hessian  colonel,  Donop,  and  his  second  in  command 
were  killed  and  two  British  ships  were  destroyed. 
The  news  of  Burgoyne's  surrender  came  to  raise  still 
higher  the  spirits  of  the  Americans,  who  fired  a  joy 
ful  salute  at  their  camp  near  Philadelphia.  Knox, 
in  a  letter  to  his  wife,  dated  November  3d,  says: 

"  The  enemy  have  not  yet  been  able  to  drive  our  galleys  away,  or 
storm,  or  batter  our  forts  with  success.  We  have  lately  had  a  storm, 
which  has  ruined  their  batteries  and  works  erected  against  Fort 
Mitllin.  Since  they  had  two  men-of-war  burnt  on  the  23d  in  the 
river,  and  were  defeated  at  Red  Bank,  they  have  appeared  quite 
silent  in  deeds,  but  not  so  in  words.  They  have  been  very  angry  for 
our  fcux  de  joie,  which  we  have  fired  on  the  several  victories  over 
Burgoyne,  and  say  that  by  and  by  we  shall  bring  ourselves  into  con 
tempt  with  our  own  army  for  propagating  such  known  falsehoods. 
Poor  fellows  !  nothing  but  Britain  must  triumph." 

But  the  attempt  of  the  British  to  reduce  Fort 
Mifflin,  made  on  the  loth  of  November,  with  a 
formidable  fleet,  was  successful ;  the  garrison  evacu 
ated  the  fort  in  the  night,  taking  refuge  in  Fort 
Mercer,  at  Red  Bank,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
river.  On  the  1 5th,  Knox,  with  De  Kalb  and  St. 
Clair,  was  sent  to  the  relief  of  the  beleaguered  Jersey 
fort  with  instructions  to  increase  its  defences.  But 
Cornwallis  now  advanced  into  New  Jersey  at  the 
head  of  a  large  force  and  the  position  at  Red  Bank 
became  untenable.  It  was  abandoned,  and  the 
British  fleet,  now  that  all  obstructions  were  re 
moved,  was  in  full  and  undisputed  possession  of 


The  Contest  Moves  Southward    113 

Philadelphia.  Howe  vainly  tried  to  bring  on  a 
general  engagement;  but  Washington,  secure  in  his 
entrenched  camp,  ten  or  twelve  miles  from  Phila 
delphia,  refused  to  be  drawn  out  of  his  lines. 
Councils  of  war  were  held  at  Washington's  head 
quarters  to  consider  the  expediency  of  attacking  the 
enemy  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  It  was  proposed 
to  attack  by  storming  the  enemy's  redoubts;  to 
throw  twelve  hundred  troops  into  the  city  by  the 
way  of  the  Delaware,  embarking  them  at  Dunx's 
Ferry,  sixteen  miles  above  Philadelphia.  These 
councils,  held  on  the  26th  of  October  and  on  the  3d 
of  December,  decided  not  to  order  the  attack. 

Knox's  opinion  was  adverse  to  making  the  pro 
posed  assault.  In  his  written  statement,  submitted 
in  response  to  Washington's  request,  and  dated  at 
"  Artillery  Park,  Camp  Whitemarsh,  26th  Novem 
ber,  1777,"  Knqx,  after  recounting  sundry  reasons 
why  the  project  seemed  to  him  hopeless,  considered 
in  the  light  of  past  events,  says:  "  My  opinion  is  to 
draw  our  whole  force  together,  take  post  at,  and 
fortify  Germantown,  considering  it  as  our  winter 
quarters."  He  then  advises  that  when  the  defence 
of  the  camp  is  amply  provided  for,  a  battle  should 
be  offered  to  the  enemy,  predicting  that  the  supe 
riority  of  the  Americans  would  be  fully  evinced. 
He  concludes:  "  If  they  should  come  out,  fight, 
and  defeat  us,  we  have  a  secure  retreat  and  winter 
quarters."  To  the  council  of  December  he  gave 
these  reasons  for  still  opposing  the  projected  attack 
on  Philadelphia:  "  Our  entire  want  of  clothing;  the 
impossibility  of  surprising  ten  thousand  veteran 


ii4  Henry  Knox  [1777 

troops  in  a  well  fortified  city;  the  impossibility  of 
our  keeping  the  field  to  besiege  their  works  and  city 
regularly,  being  almost  totally  deficient  in  warlike 
apparatus  for  so  arduous  an  enterprise;  and  the  un 
certainty  of  obtaining  a  sufficient  number  of  militia 
to  warrant  the  enterprise."  He  proposed  that  the 
army  go  into  winter  quarters  with  the  right  resting 
upon  Lancaster  and  the  left  at  Reading,  provided 
sufficient  cover  could  be  there  obtained  ;  if  not,  then 
quarters  should  be  established  near  the  Schuylkill, 
about  thirty  miles  from  Philadelphia,  huts  being 
constructed  for  the  men. 

Winter  quarters  were  finally  selected  at  Valley 
Forge,  somewhat  nearer  the  city  than  the  point  in 
dicated  by  Knox,  and  the  army  took  up  its  line  of 
march  for  the  locality  made  sadly  famous  in  Ameri 
can  history  by  the  subsequent  sufferings  of  the 
patriot  forces.  Their  dreary  march  was  undertaken 
by  ill-clad  and  barefooted  men  in  the  midst  of  an 
inclement  season.  Washington's  word  is  given  for 
the  statement  that  that  march  of  his  men  might 
have  been  tracked  "  from  White  Marsh  to  Valley 
Forge  by  the  blood  of  their  feet." 

Knox  was  given  leave  of  absence  to  visit  his  wife 
in  Boston,  during  this  cessation  of  active  operations, 
and  to  him,  on  the  26th  of  February,  1778,  General 
Greene  wrote  from  Valley  Forge,  giving  him  this 
account  of  some  of  the  privations  of  that  winter: 

"The  army  has  been  in  great  distress  since  you  left  it.  The 
troops  are  getting  naked  ;  and  they  were  seven  days  without  meat, 
and  several  days  without  bread.  Such  patience  and  moderation  as 
they  manifested  under  their  sufferings  does  the  highest  honour  to  the 


1777]    The  Contest  Moves  Southward    115 

magnanimity  of  the  American  soldiers.  The  seventh  day  they  came 
before  their  superior  officers,  and  told  their  sufferings  in  as  respect 
ful  terms  as  if  they  had  been  petitioners  for  special  favours.  They 
added  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  continue  in  camp  any  longer 
without  support.  Happily,  relief  arrived  from  the  little  collections 
I  and  some  others  had  made,  and  prevented  the  army  from  disband 
ing.  We  are  still  in  danger  of  starving.  Hundreds  of  our  horses 
have  already  starved  to  death.  The  Committee  of  Congress  have 
seen  all  those  things  with  their  own  eyes.  They  have  been  urging 
me  for  several  days  to  accept  the  quartermaster-general's  appoint 
ment,  his  Excellency  also  presses  upon  me  exceedingly.  I  hate  the 
place,  but  I  hardly  know  what  to  do.  I  wish  for  your  advice  in  the 
affair,  but  I  am  obliged  to  determine  immediately." 

It  was  during  this  trying  and  critical  time  for  the 
American  cause  that  the  "  Conway  cabal,"  com 
posed  of  sundry  intriguers  in  the  military  service, 
attempted  the  destruction  of  Washington's  su 
premacy.  Gates,  whose  fortuitous  success  in  the 
North  had  given  him  great  prestige,  was  a  leader  in 
the  opposition  to  Washington.  Conway,  whose 
name  was  given  to  this  junta,  was  a  soldier  of  for 
tune,  sent  over  by  Silas  Deane  and  made  Inspector- 
General  of  the  army  in  place  of  the  ill-fated 
Ducoudray.  The  other  active  members  of  the 
cabal  were  Mifflin  and  the  traitorous  Charles  Lee, 
who  had  not  then  been  detected  in  his  secret  corre 
spondence  with  the  enemy.  The  Continental  Con 
gress  was  sitting  at  York,  Pennsylvania,  and  while 
some  of  its  members  were  conspiring  to  remove 
the  Commander-in-chief,  that  dilatory  and  dawdling 
body  failed  to  make  adequate  provision  for  the 
sustenance  and  equipment  of  the  dejected  army  at 
Valley  Forge.  The  darkest  days  for  the  young  re 
public  had  come. 


CHAPTER  VI 


IN  THE  DARKEST  DAYS  OF  THE  WAR 


17/8-1781 


operations  in  the  early  part 
of  1778  appear  to  have  waited  on 
diplomacy.  The  long  and  tedious 
negotiations  between  the  American 
envoys  and  the  Government  of 
France,  looking  to  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty  of 
amity  and  alliance,  were  brought  to  a  crisis  by  the 
news  that  the  redoubtable  Burgoyne  had  surrendered 
his  army  at  Saratoga.  The  treaty  was  concluded  in 
Paris  on  the  6th  of  February  and  was  ratified  by  the 
Continental  Congress  on  the  second  of  May,  amid 
great  popular  rejoicings.  Nowhere  was  the  glorious 
news  more  enthusiastically  celebrated  than  by  the 
impoverished  and  suffering  army  in  camp  at  Valley 
Forge.  A  day  for  public  rejoicing  was  set  apart  in 
general  orders,  and  the  slender  resources  of  the 
camp  were  taxed  to  their  utmost  to  furnish  means 
to  make  manifest  the  satisfaction  with  which  the 
troops  received  the  news  of  the  alliance.  The 
demonstration  chiefly  consisted  of  a  general  parade 

116 


i78i]        Darkest  Days  of  the  War         117 

of  all  the  battalions  and  the  firing  of  several  salutes 
of  thirteen  guns  each.  The  infantry  were  ordered 
to  keep  up  a  running  fire,  and  this  was  followed  by 
salutes  of  thirteen  rounds  by  the  artillery  under  the 
direction  of  General  Knox,  who  had  returned  to  the 
army  several  weeks  earlier.  According  to  a  con 
temporaneous  account,  upon  a  signal  given,  the 
troops  shouted  at  different  times  as  follows:  "  Huzza! 
Long  live  the  King  of  France!  "  ;<  Huzza!  Long 
live  the  friendly  European  Powers!  "  '  Huzza  for 
the  American  States!  " 

The  British  Government  was  forced  at  last  to 
recognise  the  Continental  Congress  as  a  lawful  body, 
and  commissioners  to  treat  for  terms  of  peace  were 
appointed  and  despatched  from  England.  These 
officials  arrived  in  June  and  their  credentials  were 
immediately  presented  to  that  representative  as 
sembly,  the  Continental  Congress.  The  brief  and 
comprehensive  reply  to  the  peace  commissioners 
was  to  the  effect  that  Congress  would  be  satisfied 
with  nothing  short  of  "  an  explicit  acknowledgment 
of  the  independence  of  these  States,  or  the  with 
drawing  of  his  [the  King's]  fleets  and  armies."  The 
last  attempt  of  the  British  Government  to  secure  a 
cessation  of  hostilities  without  an  acknowledgment 
of  the  independence  of  the  new  American  States 
had  failed. 

In  the  meantime,  there  were  very  few  military 
movements  of  importance  in  any  part  of  the  country, 
and  midsummer  had  arrived  before  these  were  to  be 
resumed.  At  the  Valley  Forge  camp  were  several 
ladies  of  distinction,  among  them  being  Mrs.  Martha 


n8  Henry  Knox  [1778- 

Washington,  Lady  Kitty  Stirling,  and  the  wife  of 
General  Greene.  On  the  2Oth  of  May,  Mrs.  Knox, 
who  had  been  escorted  from  New  Haven  by  General 
Benedict  Arnold,  arrived  in  the  camp.  She  re 
mained  with  the  army,  with  which  she  was  a  great 
favourite,  or  very  near  its  headquarters,  from  that 
time  until  it  was  disbanded  at  the  close  of  the  war. 

Concentration  of  the  British  forces  was  now  of 
more  consequence  than  the  mere  occupation  of 
territory,  and  orders  for  a  return  of  the  army  to 
New  York  had  arrived  with  the  peace  commis 
sioners.  The  evacuation  of  Philadelphia  was  doubt 
less  hastened  by  the  news  that  a  French  fleet,  under 
the  command  of  Count  D'Estaing,  was  momentarily 
expected  on  the  coast.  Sir  Henry  Clinton  super 
seded  Lord  Howe  in  command  of  the  army,  which, 
on  the  1 8th  of  June,  1778,  left  Philadelphia  where 
it  had  been  lying  for  eight  months  without  having 
occupied  any  territory  outside  the  city  and  its  im 
mediate  environs.  The  army  crossed  the  Delaware 
at  Gloucester  Point,  about  three  miles  below  the 
city,  with  a  baggage  train  that  was  reported  to  be 
ten  miles  long  and  which  included  officers'  luggage 
and  their  plunder  from  the  private  houses  of  Phila 
delphia.  In  this  plunder,  it  may  be  noted,  was  an 
assortment  of  books  from  the  library  of  Benjamin 
Franklin,  selected  by  Major  John  Andre, *  who  had 
been  quartered  in  the  house  of  the  American  patriot 
and  philosopher,  then  absent  in  France. 

As  soon  as  Washington  was  informed  of  the  evacu 
ation  of  the  city,  he  prepared  to  follow  the  trail  of 

*  The  Many- Sided  Franklin,  by  Paul  Leicester  Ford. 


i78i]        Darkest  Days  of  the  War          119 

the  retreating  army,  and  on  the  2ist  his  columns 
crossed  the  Delaware  at  Coryell's  Ferry,  at  the  point 
now  occupied  by  the  town  of  Lambertville,  New 
Jersey.  On  the  28th  the  army  struck  the  rear  of 
Clinton's  retreating  forces  and  the  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth  followed.  The  weather  was  intensely  hot, 
and  officers  and  men  on  both  sides  suffered  severely 
from  the  heat.  During  the  trying  march  across  the 
Jerseys,  there  were  many  desertions  from  the  British 
columns,  six  or  eight  hundred  Hessians  having  safely 
escaped  from  their  own  lines.  A  council  of  war  was 
held  at  Hopewell  on  the  24th  of  June  to  consider 
the  advisability  of  inviting  from  Clinton  a  general 
engagement.  Six  of  the  generals,  including  Charles 
Lee,  were  in  favour  of  the  enemy's  being  followed 
up  and  harassed  on  his  rear  and  flanks  by  separate 
and  cautious  attacks.  Six  others,  including  Greene, 
Knox,  and  Lafayette,  favoured  more  vigourous 
tactics.  Next  day,  writing,  at  four  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  from  Hopewell,  Knox  gave  his  brother, 
who  had  returned  to  Boston,  these  particulars  of  the 
situation  at  that  time: 

"The  enemy  evacuated  Philadelphia  on  the  igth.  Lucy  and  I 
went  in,  but  it  stunk  so  abominably  that  it  was  impossible  to  stay 
there,  as  was  her  first  design.  The  enemy  are  now  at  Allen  Town, 
about  ten  miles  south-east  of  Princeton,  and  we  are  at  about  six  miles 
north  of  Princeton,  so  that  the  two  armies  are  now  nineteen  or 
twenty  miles  apart.  We  are  now  on  the  march  towards  them,  and 
their  movements  this  day  will  determine  whether  we  shall  come 
in  close  contact  with  each  other.  We  have  now  very  numerous 
parties  harrassing  and  teasing  them  on  all  quarters.  Desertion 
prevails  exceedingly  in  their  ranks,  especially  among  the  Germans. 
Above  three  hundred  German  and  English  have  deserted  since  they 
left  Philadelphia.  Had  we  a  sufficiency  of  numbers,  we  should  be 


20  Henry  Knox 


able  to  force  them  to  a  similar  treaty  with  Burgoyne  ;  but,  at  pre 
sent,  have  not  quite  such  sanguine  hopes.  If  general  actions  had  no 
other  consequences  than  merely  the  killed  and  wounded,  we  should 
attack  them  in  twenty-four  hours.  But  the  fate  of  posterity,  and 
not  the  illusive  brilliancy  of  military  glory,  governs  our  Fabian  com 
mander,  the  man  to  whom,  under  God,  America  owes  her  present 
prospects  of  peace  and  happiness." 

Clinton's  original  intention  had  been  to  march  to 
South  Amboy,  but  the  appearance  of  Washington's 
forces  upon  his  left  flank  and  rear  induced  him  to 
deflect  from  that  line,  the  crossing  of  the  Raritan 
now  becoming  hazardous;  he  accordingly  turned 
the  head  of  his  columns  in  the  direction  of  Sandy 
Hook,  by  the  way  of  Freehold  and  Monmouth. 
Of  the  battle  of  the  28th,  Knox  wrote  as  follows  to 
his  wife  : 

"June  29,  NEAR  MONMOUTH  COURT  HOUSE. 

"  MY  DEAREST  LOVE  :  —  I  wrote  you  some  few  days  ago  that  a  day 
or  two  would  determine  whether  we  should  have  an  engagement 
with  the  Britons.  Yesterday,  at  about  nine  o'clock  A.M.,  our  ad 
vanced  parties,  under  General  Lee,  attacked  their  rear  while  on  the 
march  towards  Shrewsbury,  upon  which  their  whole  army,  except  the 
Hessians,  came  to  the  right  about  ;  and,  after  some  fighting,  obliged 
him  to  retire  to  the  main  army,  which  was  about  two  miles  distant. 
The  enemy  advanced  with  great  spirit  to  the  attack,  and  began  a 
very  brisk  cannonade  on  us,  who  were  formed  to  receive  them. 

"  The  cannonade  lasted  from  about  eleven  until  six  o'clock,  at 
which  time  the  enemy  began  to  retire  on  all  quarters  and  left  us  in 
possession  of  the  field.  We  have  had  several  field  officers  killed. 
Colonel  Ramsay,  Mrs.  Ramsay's  husband,  was  taken  prisoner  and 
this  morning  released  on  his  parole.  I  have  had  several  officers 
killed  and  wounded.  My  brave  lads  behaved  with  their  usual  intre 
pidity,  and  the  army  gave  the  corps  of  artillery  their  full  proportion 
of  the  glory  of  the  day. 

"  Indeed,  upon  the  whole,  it  was  very  splendid.  The  capital 
army  of  Britain  defeated  and  obliged  to  retreat  before  the  Americans, 
whom  they  despised  so  much  !  I  cannot  ascertain  either  our  or  the 


i7si]        Darkest  Days  of  the  War          121 

enemy's  loss,  but  I  really  think  they  have  lost  three  times  the  num 
ber  we  have.  I  judge  from  the  field  of  battle,  which,  to  be  sure,  is 
a  field  of  carnage  and  blood  :  Three  to  one  of  the  British  forces  lie 
there.  The  Britons  confess  they  have  never  received  so  severe  a 
check.  The  enemy  took  a  strong  post  about  a  mile  from  the  place 
of  action,  to  dislodge  them  from  which,  as  it  was  dark,  would  cost 
too  many  men,  and  by  which  they  covered  the  retreat  of  their  army. 
After  having  been  fighting  all  day,  and  one  of  the  hottest  I  ever  felt, 
they  decamped  in  the  night  and  marched  off  with  the  utmost  precipi 
tation,  leaving  a  great  number  of  their  wounded,  both  officers  and 
men,  in  our  hands.  We  have  sent  out  large  bodies  in  pursuit,  but  I 
believe  they  will  not  be  able  to  come  up  with  the  main  body.  .  .  . 
The  number  of  deserters,  since  they  left  Philadelphia,  must  exceed 
eight  hundred.  The  march  has  proved  to  them  a  most  destructive 
one  and  is  very  ill-calculated  to  give  Sir  H.  Clinton  any  Jclat.  He 
may  storm  Fort  Montgomery,  but  is  very  ill-calculated,  in  my 
opinion,  to  be  at  the  head  of  a  large  army. 

"  My  friend  Harry  [Jackson]  crossed  over  from  Philadelphia  and 
was  in  the  unfortunate  [i.e.  early]  part  of  the  day.  I  saw  him  once 
on  the  field  for  a  moment :  He  appeared  much  fatigued.  His 
regiment  had  a  few  killed  and  wounded  and  is  reported  to  have 
behaved  well." 

A  contemporaneous  account  says  that  soon  after 
the  evacuation  of  Philadelphia,  "  the  Honourable 
Major-General  Arnold  took  possession  of  Philadel 
phia,  with  Colonel  Jackson's  Massachusetts  regi 
ment."*  This  explains  Jackson's  presence  in  the 
evacuated  city  at  that  time.  It  will  be  seen  that 
Knox's  accounts  of  the  battle  of  Monmouth  were 
very  moderate  in  tone,  considering  the  conspicuous 
and  gallant  part  which  he  took  in  that  historic  en 
gagement.  Writing  to  his  brother,  July  3,  1778,  he 
says: 

"  The  enemy  inclined  more  to  their  right  than  we  expected,  and 


*  Pennsylvania  Evening  Post,  June  20,  1778. 


122  Henry  Knox  [1778- 

took  the  road  to  Sandy  Hook,  instead  of  the  supposed  one  to  South 
Amboy. 

"  A  body  of  Jersey  militia,  amounting  to  near  2000,  had  endea 
voured  to  retard  them,  by  taking  up  the  bridges,  felling  trees,  and 
harassing  their  flanks  and  rear.  Beside  these,  his  Excellency  Gen 
eral  Washington  had  detached  several  large  bodies  for  the  same 
purpose,  all  of  which,  except  Colonel  Morgan,  were,  on  the  28th 
ult.,  united  under  General  Lee,  who  early  on  that  morning  advanced 
to  Monmouth  Court  House  with  the  intention  of  attacking  the 
covering  party  by  left  flank,  the  main  army  moving  on  at  the  same 
time  to  support  him,  although  it  was  some  miles  in  the  rear.  The 
parties  under  General  Lee,  instead  of  finding  a  covering  party  as 
was  expected,  found  their  whole  army  or  the  greater  part  of  it. 
After  some  manoeuvring,  cannonading,  and  some  other  circum 
stances,  which  are  not  yet  sufficiently  explained,  it  was  thought 
proper  by  Gen.  Lee  to  retire  until  it  met  the  main  army,  which  it 
effected  without  much  loss.  The  army  was  drawn  up  on  advan 
tageous  ground  to  receive  the  enemy  who  advanced  to  the  attack 
with  considerable  impetuosity,  and  began  a  brisk  cannonade,  which 
was  returned  with  becoming  spirit.  The  action  of  the  musketry  was 
various,  and  with  intermissions  until  about  six  o'clock,  when  we 
pushed  the  enemy  off  the  field.  Their  whole  loss  may  amount  to 
about  ten  or  twelve  hundred  killed,  wounded  and  prisoners.  His 
Excellency,  the  General,  has  done  the  corps  of  artillery  and  me  the 
honour  to  notice  us  in  general  orders  in  very  pointed  and  flattering 
terms.  Indeed,  I  was  highly  delighted  with  their  coolness,  bravery, 
and  good  conduct.  The  effects  of  the  Battle  of  Monmouth  will  be 
great  and  lasting.  It  will  convince  the  enemy  and  the  world  that 
nothing  but  a  good  constitution  is  wanting  to  render  our  army  equal 
to  any  in  the  world." 

It  was  at  this  same  battle  of  Monmouth  that 
Washington  lost  his  temper  and  reprimanded  Gen. 
Charles  Lee  in  terms  that  have  become  historic. 
Lee,  who  seems  to  have  entered  into  the  fight  with 
little  zeal,  and  who  had  declined  to  agree  to  any 
concerted  plan  of  action,  preferring  to  be  left  to  be 
governed  by  circumstances,  so  handled  his  men  as 


i78i]        Darkest  Days  of  the  War          123 

to  bring  on  a  confused  and  demoralising  retreat 
when  he  should  have  attacked  the  enemy  with 
vigour  as  soon  as  he  discovered  that  they  were  in 
motion.  Whether  Washington,  who  soon  came  up 
and  took  sole  command  of  the  army,  really  cursed 
Lee  with  sublime  and  righteous  indignation,  as 
tradition  has  told  us,  is  not  a  matter  of  unquestioned 
record.  Even  the  most  rigid  of  moralists  would 
have  been  willing  to  condone  a  more  violent  exhibi 
tion  of  wrath  than  that  commonly  credited  to  the 
usually  placid  Washington,  under  the  provoking 
circumstances. 

Dr.  Thacher,  in  his  Military  Journal,  gives  this 
impartial  and  apparently  dispassionate  account  of 
the  affair : 

"  His  Excellency  was  exceedingly  mortified  and  astonished  [at 
Lee's  retreat]  ;  coming  up  to  General  Lee,  and  meeting  part  of  his 
his  corps  in  their  flight,  he  with  some  warmth  inquired  the  cause  of 
his  retreat,  and  addressed  General  Lee  in  language  which  implied 
censure.  The  high-spirited  Lee  could  not  brook  the  slightest  appear 
ance  of  disapprobation,  and  replied  with  an  air  of  disrespect.  He, 
however,  requested  of  his  Excellency  fresh  orders  for  the  conduct 
of  his  corps,  and  these  he  promptly  obeyed,  and  discovered  no  want 
of  bravery  in  the  field.  But,  unable  to  quell  the  rankling  of  a  tur 
bulent  temper,  he  addressed,  after  the  battle,  two  letters  to  the 
Commander-in-chief,  containing  improper  and  disrespectful  expres 
sions.  As  if  in  defiance  of  superior  authority,  he  demanded  a 
trial  by  court-martial,  that  he  might  have  an  opportunity  of  vindicat 
ing  his  conduct,  in  consequence  of  which  his  Excellency  has  put  him 
under  arrest  to  await  his  trial." 

The  result  was  that  Lee  was  found  guilty  of  dis 
obedience  of  orders  and  misbehaviour  in  the  face  of 
the  enemy.  He  was  sentenced  to  suspension  from 


124  Henry  Knox  [1778- 

command  for  one  year.  His  military  career  was 
ended  then  and  there. 

When  the  battle  of  Monmouth  was  brought  on, 
Knox  in  person  reconnoitred  in  front,  cheerily  rallied 
the  retreating  troops  (who  were  demoralised  but  not 
alarmed)  and  brought  up  the  rear  with  a  lively  fire 
from  a  battery  which  had  been  planted  during  the 
previous  night  by  his  orders.  His  untiring  efforts 
and  good  generalship  were  complimented  by  the 
Commander-in-chief,  as  he  proudly  notes  in  one  of 
his  letters.  In  general  orders  referring  to  the  en 
gagement,  Washington  says  he  "  can  with  pleasure 
inform  General  Knox  and  the  officers  of  the  artillery 
that  the  enemy  has  done  them  the  justice  to  acknow 
ledge  that  no  artillery  could  have  been  better  served 
than  ours."  For  their  bravery  in  attacking  so  su 
perior  a  force  and  securing  so  decided  an  advantage, 
Congress  passed  a  vote  of  thanks  to  General  Wash 
ington,  his  officers,  and  men. 

Clinton's  march  to  New  York,  after  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  was  not  further  disturbed.  Washington 
followed,  establishing  his  army  at  White  Plains,  New 
York,  where  he  awaited  developments.  Great  ex 
pectations  were  then  entertained  of  the  French  fleet 
under  D'Estaing,  which  arrived  off  the  coast  of  New 
York  in  the  latter  part  of  July,  1778.  It  consisted 
of  twelve  ships,  and  carried  four  thousand  troops. 
But  the  high  hopes  of  the  Continentals  were  not 
realised  in  the  actions  of  D'Estaing.  The  fleet  was 
too  late  to  assist  in  the  reduction  of  Philadelphia, 
the  British  having  already  evacuated  that  city.  In 
stead  of  entering  the  port  of  New  York,  where  a 


i  I 

I  2 

II 


i73i]        Darkest  Days  of  the  War          125 

considerable  number  of  British  men-of-war  and 
transports  were  assembled,  D'Estaing,  protesting 
that  he  could  not  cross  the  harbour  bar,  sailed  for 
Newport,  Rhode  Island,  where  he  was  followed  by 
Howe's  fleet  from  New  York.  A  misunderstanding 
with  General  Sullivan,  who  was  then  in  command  at 
Rhode  Island,  prevented  that  co-operation  between 
the  French  naval  contingent  and  the  land  forces 
which  had  been  arranged,  and  both  fleets  put  out  to 
sea,  where  they  were  overtaken  and  scattered  by  a 
tremendous  storm.  D'Estaing  went  to  Boston, 
taking  his  troops  with  him,  as  if  his  ships  could  not 
be  refitted  and  provisioned  unless  the  French  sol 
diers,  so  much  needed  by  Sullivan,  were  on  board 
to  witness  the  process.  The  popular  disappoint 
ment  and  discontent  were  very  great. 

The  New  England  campaign  was  without  serious 
results  except  that  the  British,  angered  by  Sullivan's 
elusion  of  their  trap  to  catch  him,  burned  New  Bed 
ford  and  Fairhaven,  with  all  the  shipping  in  those 
parts.  Meanwhile,  there  was  much  desultory  fight 
ing  in  various  parts  of  the  country  during  the  au 
tumnal  months;  but  none  of  these  events,  although 
of  great  importance  to  the  people  involved,  was  in 
the  least  related  to  operations  along  the  coast. 
D'Estaing's  fleet,  being  refitted,  declined  Howe's 
challenge  to  combat  and  sailed  for  the  West  Indies 
and  left  the  American  cause  to  take  care  of  itself. 

Washington  still  retained  his  position  at  White 
Plains,  keeping  a  wary  observation  on  the  move 
ments  of  the  enemy.  But  there  was  in  New  York 
an  utter  absence  of  all  appearance  of  military 


i26  Henry  Knox 

activity,  and  a  strict  surveillance  over  all  channels  of 
communication  was  maintained,  the  better  to  mys 
tify  and  baffle  the  American  commander.  In  a 
letter  to  his  brother,  dated  at  the  camp  in  White 
Plains,  September  14,  1778,  Knox  says: 

"  We  wish  to  know  where  Lord  Howe  is,  as  it  might  be  some  clew 
to  the  designs  of  the  enemy  ;  though  as  to  dangerous  designs  they 
have  none,  I  am  persuaded,  nor  ever  had,  except  to  themselves.  It 
is  improper  for  a  person  in  my  station  to  speak  thus,  were  it  to  be 
divulged  ;  but  I  do  not  believe  there  ever  was  a  set  of  men  so  per 
fectly  disqualified,  by  a  total  and  profound  ignorance  of  every  thing 
that  ought  to  constitute  the  characters  of  leaders  of  an  army  to  con 
quest.  I  beg  you  not  to  imagine  that  by  depreciation  of  their  abili 
ties  I  mean  to  exalt  our  own.  God  forbid  !  I  shall  say  nothing 
about  it  but  only  this,  that  we  never  set  ourselves  up  as  great  military 
men.  I  believe  they  (the  enemy)  are  about  to  quit  the  continent, 
and  perhaps  only  wait  for  their  last  orders  to  effect  it." 

Knox  was  ever  an  optimist,  and  to  his  unshaken 
faith  in  the  ultimate  triumph  of  the  American  cause 
(which  he  regarded  as  the  cause  of  truth  and  right 
eousness),  he  added  a  hopeful  spirit  that  never  for  a 
moment  deserted  him  through  all  the  dark  days  of 
the  Revolution.  But  his  belief  that  the  silence  of 
the  British  at  their  headquarters  in  New  York  was 
premonitory  of  their  speedy  departure  was  not  to  be 
justified  by  subsequent  events.  Weary  years  were 
to  pass  before  Knox  should  lead  the  victorious  col 
umns  of  the  army  into  the  evacuated  city  of  New 
York. 

The  year  closed  without  any  important  engage 
ments  on  the  land ;  but  on  the  sea  the  exploits  of 
Paul  Jones  and  the  destructive  doings  of  the  Ameri 
can  privateers  carried  panic  and  terror  into  the 


i78i]        Darkest  Days  of  the  War         127 

commercial  cities  of  England.  The  foreign  commerce 
of  that  country  was  paralysed  by  the  "  pirates,"  as 
the  English  called  these  dreaded  craft.  Nearly  five 
hundred  vessels  engaged  in  deep-sea  voyages  were 
captured  or  destroyed  by  the  Americans  in  the  year 
1777,  and  the  admiralty  courts  of  the  New  England 
coast  districts  were  crowded  with  proceedings  for 
the  condemnation  of  English  prizes  brought  in  by 
the  hardy  privateers  fitted  out  in  those  ports. 
Eighteen  prizes  were  brought  into  New  London  in 
the  month  of  May,  1779;  and  the  admiralty  courts 
for  the  Essex  district  of  Massachusetts  condemned 
more  than  eight  hundred  prizes  during  1780. 

Knox  and  his  friend  Jackson  were  together  inter 
ested  in  some  of  these  privateering  speculations; 
but  they  seem  to  have  been  rather  unfortunate  in 
such  ventures.  Knox's  correspondence  shows  that 
many  a  vessel  in  which  he  had  shares  was  captured 
by  the  enemy,  some  of  them  being  laden  with  valu 
able  cargoes  taken  from  the  enemy's  ships,  and  some 
of  them  being  headed  off  by  British  men-of-war  just 
as  they  were  entering  their  home  port  after  prosper 
ous  ventures.  In  a  letter  to  his  brother  dated  at  the 
artillery  camp  near  Pluckemin,  New  Jersey,  at  the 
beginning  of  1779,  Knox  says: 

"  I  am  sorry  for  the  loss  of  the  vessel  you  mention,  but  not  dis 
couraged.  I  hope  the  little  vessel  will  at  least  make  up  for  her.  I 
wrote  for  you  to  try  something,  by  way  of  adventure  in  the  General 
Arnold.  She  is  a  good  vessel  and  commander.  ...  I  am  ex 
ceedingly  anxious  to  effect  something  in  these  fluctuating  times 
which  may  make  us  lazy  for  life.  You  know  my  sentiments  with 
respect  to  making  any  thing  out  of  the  public.  I  abominate  the 
idea.  I  could  not,  at  the  end  of  the  war,  mix  with  my  fellow 


128  Henry  Knox  [i/?s- 

citizens  with   that   conscious    integrity,  the  felicity  which  I  often 
anticipate." 

There  was  a  great  scarcity  of  ordnance  materials 
in  camp  at  this  time  and  Knox  was  at  his  wits'  end 
to  supply  the  deficiency.  Sent  on  a  mission  of  ex 
ploration  to  Philadelphia,  in  February,  1779,  ne 
wrote  to  his  brother  thus : 

44  We  are  in  great  want  of  lead.  The  Board  of  War  have  desired 
me  to  write  to  Boston  to  inquire  what  quantity  can  be  gotten  there 
and  at  the  neighbouring  towns,  and  at  what  price.  I  wish  you  to 
make  the  inquiry,  or  rather  get  some  person  to  make  it  for  you,  as 
the  gentleman  speculators  may  suspect  from  your  connection  that  you 
want  it  for  the  public  and  advance  their  prices  in  proportion.  Write 
me  the  result  as  speedily  as  possible,  so  that  I  may  communicate  it  to 
the  board.  ...  I  am  glad  you  have  gotten  into  the  old  store. 
I  thank  you  for  the  little  pamphlet.  The  girls  are  the  same  every 
where — at  least  some  of  them  :  they  love  a  red  coat  clearly.  Arnold 
is  going  to  be  married  to  a  beautiful  and  accomplished  young  lady, 
— a  Miss  Shippen,  of  one  of  the  best  families  of  this  place." 

Arnold's  bride  was  Margaret  Shippen,  daughter 
of  Edward  Shippen,  a  distinguished  Tory,  of  Phila 
delphia.  It  was  this  lady's  correspondence  with 
Major  Andre",  innocent  enough  in  itself,  that  was 
subsequently  believed  to  have  opened  a  means  of 
communication  between  the  British  commander  and 
Benedict  Arnold.  Just  here,  it  is  interesting  to  re 
call  the  fact  that  Arnold's  engagement  to  Miss  Ship- 
pen  was  not  his  first  entanglement  in  the  meshes  of 
a  love  affair.  In  the  Knox  Papers  is  a  note  from 
him  to  Mrs.  Knox,  dated  at  Watertown,  Mass., 
March  4,  1777,  enclosing  a  note  from  Arnold  to 
"  the  heavenly  Miss  Deblois,"  which  the  writer 
hopes  Mrs.  Knox  will  see  is  forwarded  to  the  lady 


i7si]        Darkest  Days  of  the  War         129 

thus  rapturously  described.     Arnold  concludes  his 
letter  to  Mrs.  Knox  as  follows: 

' '  I  shall  remain  under  under  the  most  anxious  suspense  until  I 
have  the  favour  of  a  line  from  you,  who,  I  may  judge,  will  from  your 
own  experience  conceive  the  fond  anxiety,  the  glowing  hopes  and 
chilling  fears  that  alternately  possess  the  breast  of, 

"  Dear  Madam, 
"Your  obd't  &  most  Humble  sev't, 

"  B.  ARNOLD." 

It  was  while  he  was  in  command  in  Philadelphia 
that  charges  were  brought  against  Arnold  by  the 
State.  After  some  delay,  he  was  finally  arraigned 
before  a  court-martial,  and,  under  the  sentence  of 
the  court,  he  was  publicly  rebuked  by  the  Com 
mander-in-chief.  At  that  very  time,  while  he  was 
in  active  communication  with  the  enemy,  having  in 
view  a  betrayal  of  his  trusts,  he  had  the  hardihood 
to  allude  to  the  charges  against  Adjutant-General 
Reed,  President  of  the  Court  (who  had  been  accused 
of  an  intention  to  desert  the  patriots'  cause),  in  these 
terms:  "  When  our  illustrious  General  was  retreat 
ing  through  New  Jersey  with  a  handful  of  men,  I 
did  not  propose  to  my  associates  basely  to  quit  the 
General,  and  sacrifice  the  cause  of  my  country  to  my 
personal  safety,  by  going  over  to  the  enemy  and 
making  my  peace."  The  great  soul  of  Knox  could 
not  for  a  moment  entertain  a  doubt  of  the  loyalty 
of  his  brother-in-arms,  and,  writing  to  William 
Knox,  about  this  time,  he  says:  "  You  will  see  in 
the  papers  some  highly  colored  charges  against 
General  Arnold  by  the  State  of  Pennsylvania.  I 
shall  be  exceedingly  mistaken  if  one  can  be  proven. 


i3°  Henry  Knox  [17/3- 

He  has  returned  to  Philadelphia,  and  will,  I  hope, 
be  able  to  vindicate  himself  from  the  aspersions  of 
his  enemies." 

While  the  army  was  in  winter  quarters  at  Plucke- 
min,  New  Jersey,  Knox  endeavoured  to  make  some 
humble  beginning  of  the  military  academy  which  he 
insisted  was  absolutely  needful  for  the  proper  train 
ing  of  officers,  and  which  subsequently  took  perma 
nent  shape  in  the  Military  Academy  at  West  Point. 
A  writer  in  the  Philadelphia  Packet,  March  6,  1779, 
giving  a  description  of  a  fete  at  the  camp  in  honour 
of  the  first  anniversary  of  the  French  alliance,  says 
of  Knox's  artillery  park,  as  it  was  called : 

"A  range  of  field-pieces,  mortars,  and  heavy  cannon  make  the 
front  line  of  a  parallelogram  ;  the  other  sides  are  composed  of  huts 
for  the  officers  and  privates  ;  there  is  also  an  academy  where  lectures 
are  read  on  tactics  and  gunnery,  and  work  huts  for  those  employed 
in  the  laboratory,  all  very  judiciously  arranged.  This  military  vil 
lage  is  superior  in  some  respects,  to  most  of  those  that  I  had  seen. 
Its  regularity,  its  appearance,  and  the  ground  on  which  it  stands, 
throws  over  it  a  look  of  enchantment,  although  it  is  no  more  than 
the  work  of  a  few  weeks." 

The  writer  says  that  the  auditorium  of  the  academy 
was  fifty  feet  by  thirty,  "  arched  in  an  agreeable 
manner,  and  neatly  plastered  within."  This  was 
the  seed  from  which  was  to  spring,  in  years  to  come, 
the  military  academy  which  is  to-day  one  of  the 
finest  of  its  kind  in  the  world. 

The  fete  which  the  writer  above  alludes  to  was 
rather  tardily  given,  imperative  engagements  of 
General  Washington  and  others  of  his  staff  having 
prevented  the  celebration  of  the  anniversary  of  the 


i78i]        Darkest  Days  of  the  War          131 

exact  date  of  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty  of  alliance. 
Dr.  Thacher  gives  this  account  of  the  affair: 

"The  anniversary  of  our  alliance  with  France  was  celebrated  in 
proper  style  a  few  days  since  near  headquarters  at  Pluckemin.  A 
splendid  entertainment  was  given  by  General  Knox  and  the  officers 
of  the  artillery.  General  Washington,  and  his  lady,  with  the  prin 
cipal  officers  of  the  army  and  their  ladies,  and  a  considerable  number 
of  respectable  ladies  and  gentlemen  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey, 
formed  the  brilliant  assembly.  About  four  o'clock  sixteen  cannon 
were  discharged,  and  the  company  collected  in  a  large  public  build 
ing  [the  academy  hall]  to  partake  of  an  elegant  dinner.  In  the 
evening  a  very  beautiful  set  of  fireworks  was  exhibited,  and  the  cele 
bration  was  concluded  by  a  splendid  ball  opened  by  his  Excellency 
General  Washington,  having  for  his  partner  the  lady  of  General 
Knox." 

The  work  of  Washington's  army  in  1779  was 
necessarily  confined  to  the  keeping  of  a  watchful 
observation  of  Clinton,  who  rested  in  New  York. 
Tories  and  British  alike  united  in  the  proclamation 
in  great  swelling  words  of  the  impending  doom  of 
the  patriot  army  during  the  corning  summer.  In  a 
letter  to  his  brother  William,  from  Pluckemin,  May 
7,  1779,  Knox,  alluding  to  the  enforced  idleness  of 
the  American  army,  says:  "  If  we  are  to  believe 
Rivington's  paper  of  May  I,  we  are  to  have  bloody 
work  this  summer.  They  swear  by  monstrous  big 
oaths  that  they  will  exterminate  us  this  campaign. 
However  that  may  be,  we  at  present  have  but  little 
apprehensions  of  it,  although,  from  a  variety  of  cor 
roborating  circumstances,  we  expect  we  shall  have 
a  much  more  active  campaign  than  the  last." 

Early  in  June,  there  was  every  reason  to  suppose 
that  Clinton  would  attack  the  important  post  at 


i32  Henry  Knox  [177$- 

West  Point,  his  forces  having  advanced  up  the 
Hudson  as  far  as  King's  Ferry,  thirteen  miles  below 
West  Point.  The  army  at  Pluckemin  and  vicinity 
broke  camp  and  marched  in  hot  haste  to  Morristown, 
where  its  heavy  baggage  was  deposited.  Knox's 
headquarters  were  with  those  of  the  Commander-in- 
chief  at  Middlebrook,  New  Jersey,  from  which  point 
he  wrote  as  follows  to  his  brother: 

"  The  whole  army  have  moved  up  to  this  place  to  cover  the  al 
most  infinitely  important  posts  in  the  highlands,  which  we  do  in  so 
effectual  a  manner  that,  were  the  enemy  much  stronger  than  they 
are,  I  should  be  in  no  pain  for  the  safety  of  the  posts.  The  enemy 
have  established  themselves  so  securely  at  King's  Ferry  that  we  shall 
not  be  able  to  dislodge  them  at  present.  Perhaps  a  future  and  more 
important  operation  may  involve  King's  Ferry  in  its  fall.  The 
enemy  expect  reinforcements,  and  we,  with  the  blessing  of  Heaven, 
expect  to  baffle  their  utmost  efforts.  We  expect  everything  from 
the  discipline  and  goodness  of  our  troops  ;  but  probably  we  shall 
want  some  assistance  from  our  brethren." 

In  the  North,  during  that  summer,  the  chief  mili 
tary  events  were  expeditions  into  New  York  for  the 
punishment  of  the  Six  Nations.  These  Indians  had 
co-operated  with  the  Tories  and  British  in  waging  a 
relentless  warfare  upon  the  citizens  of  the  State  who 
were  loyal  to  the  patriot  cause.  The  American 
forces,  under  the  command  of  General  Sullivan, 
marched  with  celerity,  after  the  tedious  delays  of 
the  first  start  were  overcome,  and  his  punishment 
of  the  Indians  was  so  swift  and  condign  that  they 
could  never  again  be  rallied  to  oppose  the  desolating 
march  of  Sullivan's  men. 

General  Benjamin  Lincoln,  of  Massachusetts,  was 
entrusted  with  the  defence  of  Charleston,  South 


1781]        Darkest  Days  of  the  War         133 

Carolina,  the  British  having  developed  their  plan  of 
dividing  the  Southern  States  from  the  Northern  by 
the  capture  of  Georgia,  the  Carolinas,  and  Virginia. 
This  excellent  officer,  who  had  been  described  by  a 
Tory  newspaper  as  "  one  Benjamin  Lincoln,  late 
secretary  to  the  conventions  and  congresses  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  and  a  forward  person  in  all  the 
rebellious  proceedings  of  that  colony,"  being  rein 
forced  by  D'Estaing,  was  induced  to  attempt  the 
recapture  of  Savannah,  then  held  by  the  British 
under  General  Prevost.  The  expedition  was  a 
failure,  and  Lincoln  was  obliged  to  return  to  Charles 
ton,  where  he  was  ultimately  forced  to  surrender  to 
Clinton,  who  arrived  on  the  coast  to  assist  in  the 
reduction  of  South  Carolina. 

Between  Knox  and  Lincoln  there  existed  a  deep 
and  sincere  affection  which  was  manifested  in  many 
ways  up  to  the  day  when  these  two  men  were  sepa 
rated  by  death.  In  a  letter  written  by  Knox  to 
Lincoln,  just  after  the  capture  of  Charleston,  which 
involved  the  surrender  of  the  commanding  general 
and  his  army,  is  this  paragraph : 

"  The  great  defence  made  by  you  and  your  garrison  in  field  forti 
fications  will  confer  on  you  and  them  the  esteem  and  admiration  of 
every  sensible  military  man.  I  hope  and  believe  that  Congress  will 
most  unequivocally  bestow  that  applause  which  you  have  so  richly 
merited.  No  event,  except  the  capture  of  Sir  H.  Clinton  and  his 
army,  would  give  me  more  pleasure  than  to  see  you.  He  is  now  in 
force  at  Springfield,  below  Morristown." 

At  a  later  period,  Knox  wrote  this  affectionate 
letter  to  Lincoln : 


134  Henry  Knox  [1778- 

"  The  first  moment  I  had  the  happiness  of  being  acquainted  with 
you  I  conceived  a  high  degree  of  friendship,  which  uniformly  has 
increased  as  I  became  more  intimate,  until  the  present  period.  I 
consider  the  confidential  manner  in  which  we  have  indulged  as  one 
of  the  happy  circumstances  of  my  life,  and  in  all  events  of  grief  or 
joy  there  is  no  man  from  whose  friendship  I  should  more  readily 
expect  the  most  cordial  balsam,  or  whose  bosom  would  more  cheer 
fully  expand  in  a  participation  of  my  happiness." 

It  was  during  this  summer  (1779)  that  the  Knox 
family  were  bereaved  by  the  death  of  their  second 
daughter.  In  the  midst  of  his  cares  and  anxieties, 
Washington  found  time  to  write  to  the  afflicted 
mother  a  note  of  condolence;  and  an  anonymous 
friend  sent  her  a  copy  of  "  Elegiac  Lines,  Inscrib'd 
to  Mrs.  Knox,  occasioned  by  the  death  of  her  In 
fant  Daughter,  who  deceased  near  Pluckemin,  N. 
Jersey,  July  2d,  1779."  From  these  lines,  as  an 
example  of  the  literary  taste  of  the  time,  we  extract 
the  following  stanza: 

"  This  little  Cherub,  like  some  blooming  Flower, 

The  soft  Exotic  of  a  happier  Clime, 
Shrunk  from  the  dawn  of  beauteous  Childhood's  hour, 
And,  drooping,  sought  Its  native  Realms  Sublime  !  " 

The  winter  of  1779-80  was  one  of  great  severity. 
The  army  of  Washington,  once  more  in  winter 
quarters  at  Morristown,  suffered  from  cold  and 
hunger.  The  troops  were  insufficiently  clad,  and  it 
required  all  the  faith,  patience,  and  fortitude  for 
which  these  brave  patriots  had  now  become  pro 
verbial,  to  endure  the  privations  of  that  inclement 
season.  There  were  incursions  and  excursions  on 
both  sides  during  the  winter.  It  was  not  until  the 


i78i]         Darkest  Days  of  the  War          135 

middle  of  June  that  a  movement  from  New  York 
was  observed  by  the  watchful  Americans.  Wash 
ington  divined  that  an  attack  was  once  more  in 
tended  to  be  made  upon  West  Point  by  the  way  of 
New  Jersey.  He  made  his  dispositions  accordingly ; 
and  the  fight  at  Springfield,  New  Jersey,  was  the 
result  of  Greene's  determined  resistance  to  the  ad 
vance  of  the  British.  It  was  at  this  encounter  that 
Dayton's  militia  were  inspired  by  the  warlike  ex 
ample  of  their  chaplain,  Mr.  James  Caldwell,  whose 
wife  had  been  cruelly  and  wantonly  killed  in  her 
house  near  Connecticut  Farms.  The  soldiers  being 
out  of  wadding,  the  good  parson  brought  from  the 
meeting-house  an  armful  of  hymn-books  for  this 
purpose,  crying,  "  Give  'em  Watts,  boys!  "  The 
enemy  was  checked  at  this  point,  and  having  burned 
the  town,  he  returned  to  Staten  Island. 

An  important  event  of  that  summer  was  the  ar 
rival  at  Newport  of  five  thousand  French  troops 
under  Count  de  Rochambeau,  on  the  nth  of  July, 
1780.  These  were  the  first  division  of  an  army  of 
twelve  thousand  men  which  Lafayette,  who  had  re 
turned  to  France  for  that  purpose,  had  induced  the 
French  king  to  send  to  co-operate  with  the  Ameri 
cans.  As  was  the  case  when  D'Estaing  arrived,  the 
hopes  of  the  people  were  now  raised  to  an  extrava- 
ganf  pitch  of  enthusiasm.  It  was  expected  that  an 
immediate  and  overwhelming  movement  against  the 
British  would  sweep  them  from  the  continent.  But 
it  was  not  until  the  I5th  of  the  month  that  all  the 
French  troops  were  landed,  and  many  of  these  were 
ill  and  were  sent  to  hospitals  for  treatment.  On  the 


i36  Henry  Knox  [1778- 

25th,  Rochambeau  sent  a  messenger  to  the  Massa 
chusetts  Council  for  reinforcements,  an  attack  by 
Clinton  and  the  British  fleet  being  threatened. 
Weeks  wore  away  without  any  capital  operations, 
and  on  the  2 1st  of  September,  Washington,  Knox, 
and  Lafayette  went  from  West  Point  to  Hartford, 
Conn.,  to  meet  Rochambeau  and  the  French  Ad 
miral,  de  Ternay,  to  concert  a  plan  of  future  opera 
tions.  It  was  while  returning  from  this  conference 
that  the  three  generals  learned  of  the  treason  of 
Benedict  Arnold,  then  in  command  at  West  Point. 
When  Washington  received  and  looked  through  the 
papers  disclosing  Arnold's  treason,  he  exclaimed  to 
Knox  and  Lafayette,  as  if  in  despair,  "  Whom  can 
we  trust  now!  " 

John  Andre,  the  spy,  through  whose  activity  these 
later  negotiations  between  Arnold  and  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  had  been  carried  on,  was  first  taken  to  West 
Point  and  then  to  Tappan,  where  army  headquarters 
were  established.  Andre  was  tried  by  a  court- 
martial  convened  on  the  2Qth  of  September.  It  is 
not  necessary  to  dwell  on  the  details  of  the  trial  and 
execution.  The  findings  of  the  court,  and  the  de 
tail  of  officers  composing  it,  will  be  found  in  the 
following  extract  from  the  record: 

"  The  Board  having  considered  the  letter  from  his  Excellency, 
General  Washington,  respecting  Major  Andre,  Adjutant  General  to 
the  British  army,  the  confession  of  Major  Andre,  and  the  papers 
produced  to  them,  report  to  his  Excellency  the  Commander  in  Chief, 
the  following  facts,  which  appear  to  them  relative  to  Major  Andre. 
First,  that  he  came  on  shore  from  the  Vulture,  sloop  of  war,  in  the 
night  of  the  2ist  of  September,  instant,  on  an  interview  with  Gen 
eral  Arnold,  in  a  private  and  secret  manner.  Secondly,  that  he 


i78i]        Darkest  Days  of  the  War         137 

changed  his  dress  within  our  lines,  and  under  a  feigned  name,  and 
disguised  habit,  passed  our  works  at  Stony  and  Verplank's  Points, 
in  the  evening  of  the  22cl  of  September,  instant,  and  was  taken  on 
the  morning  of  the  23d  of  September,  at  Tarrytown,  in  a  disguised 
habit,  being  then  on  his  way  to  New  York  ;  and  when  taken  he  had 
in  his  possession  several  papers  which  contained  intelligence  for  the 
enemy.  The  Board,  having  maturely  considered  these  facts,  do 
also  report  to  his  Excellency,  General  Washington,  that  Major 
Andre,  Adjutant  to  the  British  army,  ought  to  be  considered  a  spy 
from  the  enemy,  and  that  agreeably  to  the  law  and  usage  of  nations, 
it  is  their  opinion  that  he  ought  to  suffer  death. 

"  (Signed)      NATHAN AEL  GREENE,  Major  General  and  President. 
STIRLING,  "  " 

ST.  CLAIR, 

LA  FAYETTE,  "  " 

R.  HOWE, 

STEUBEN,  "  " 

SAMUEL  H.  PARSONS,  Brigadier  General. 
JAMES  CLINTON,  "  " 

HENRY  KNOX,  "  "      Artillery. 

JOHN  GLOVER,  "  " 

JOHN  PATERSON,  "  " 

EDWARD  HAND,  "  " 

JOHN  HUNTINGTON,  "  " 

JOHN  STARK,  "  " 

JOHN  LAWRENCE,    Judge  Advocate  General." 

Andre's  execution  was  set  for  the  first  day  of 
October,  but  on  the  arrival  of  a  flag  of  truce  from 
Sir  Henry  Clinton,  asking  for  time  to  make  further 
proposals  for  the  release  of  the  condemned  man,  the 
execution  was  postponed  until  the  next  day,  when 
he  was  duly  hanged.  It  was  natural  that  Knox, 
as  one  of  the  general  officers  who  composed  the 
court-martial  that  sentenced  Andre  to  the  igno 
minious  but  deserved  death  of  a  spy,  should  have 
found  his  duty  on  this  occasion  most  distasteful. 


i38  Henry  Knox  [1778- 

Nevertheless,  it  was  his  duty,  and  while  he  recalled 
with  many  pangs  of  regret  the  pleasant  converse 
which  he  had  with  the  condemned  man,  years  be 
fore,  in  the  wilds  of  New  York,  he  discharged  his 
task  with  martial  implicitness. 

Another  winter  passed  without  any  military 
operations  of  immediate  importance  being  under 
taken  in  the  Northern  States.  In  the  South,  Corn- 
wallis  and  Greene  still  struggled  for  the  possession 
of  Georgia  and  the  Carolinas.  The  numerousness 
of  the  Tories  in  North  Carolina  gave  a  partisan  as 
pect  to  the  fighting  that  was  carried  on  in  a  desultory 
manner  over  the  eastern  portion  of  the  State.  Raids 
for  the  capture  of  supplies  were  occasionally  made 
by  the  British  into  the  country  held  by  the  Ameri 
can  forces,  and  these  forays  were  only  slightly  ex 
ceeded  in  importance  by  the  expedition  headed  by 
Benedict  Arnold  sent  into  Virginia  "  to  steal  to 
bacco  "  during  the  last  days  of  December,  1780. 
The  expedition  landed  at  Westover,  on  the  James 
River,  and,  marching  to  Richmond,  destroyed  much 
public  and  private  property  and  military  stores. 
But  although  the  raid  was  nothing  more  than  a  de 
structive  and  annoying  dash  into  and  out  of  a  hostile 
country,  it  excited  great  alarm  all  over  the  country, 
and  the  attention  of  Congress  and  the  Commander- 
in-chief  was  arrested  by  its  bold  and  successful 
execution. 

At  this  critical  juncture,  a  serious  and  alarming 
incident  was  the  mutiny  of  the  Pennsylvania  line, 
then  stationed  in  winter  quarters  near  Morristown. 
About  two  thousand  of  these  troops,  discontented 


BRA  ft~p^ 

OP  TTTK 

UNJ 


, 


i78i]        Darkest  Days  of  the  War          139 

with  their  destitute  and  impoverished  condition, 
resolved  to  mutiny  against  their  own  officers  and 
redress  their  grievances.  They  had  been  enlisted  in 
a  slovenly  manner,  their  papers  being  drawn  with 
such  ambiguity  that  it  was  well-nigh  impossible  to 
decide  whether  they  were  bound  for  three  years 
only,  or  for  the  whole  war.  Naturally,  the  troops 
claimed  that  they  were  to  serve  for  three  years,  and 
that  that  term  having  expired,  they  were  now  free 
to  return  home.  Many  of  the  men  were  willing  to 
re-enlist,  notwithstanding  their  distressed  condition 
in  camp;  but  they  claimed  themselves  entitled  to 
such  bounties  as  were  allowed  then  to  recruits,  under 
the  orders  of  Congress. 

Some  notion  of  the  sufferings  of  these  men,  who 
had  been  neglected  by  the  Continental  Congress, may 
be  gained  from  the  following  letter  to  William  Knox, 
written  by  General  Knox,  early  in  December,  1780: 

"  We  depend  upon  the  great  Author  of  Nature  to  provide  subsis 
tence  and  clothing  for  us  during  a  long  and  severe  winter  ;  for  the 
people,  whose  business,  according  to  the  common  course  of  things, 
it  was  to  provide  the  materials  necessary,  have  either  been  unable 
or  neglected  to  do  it.  The  soldier,  ragged  almost  to  nakedness,  has 
to  sit  down  at  this  period,  and  with  an  axe — perhaps  his  only  tool, 
and  probably  that  a  bad  one — to  make  his  habitation  for  winter. 
However,  this,  and  being  punished  with  hunger  into  the  bargain, 
the  soldiers  and  officers  have  borne  with  a  fortitude  almost  super 
human.  The  country  must  be  grateful  to  these  brave  fellows.  It 
is  impossible  to  admit  of  the  idea  of  an  alternative." 

Under  such  circumstances,  and  knowing  that  the 
men  had  some  show  of  reason  for  complaining  that 
their  enlistments  had  been  conducted  with  unfair 
ness  and  deception,  the  mutiny  of  the  Pennsylvania 


140  Henry  Knox  Ce 

line  does  not  seem  wholly  unreasonable.  The  mu 
tineers,  halving  provided  themselves  with  six  field- 
pieces,  and  rejecting  the  advice  and  expostulations 
of  their  commander,  General  Wayne,  took  up  their 
line  of  march  to  Philadelphia  to  demand  of  Congress 
redress  for  their  many  grievances.  They  said  that 
"  they  had  been  imposed  on  and  deceived  respecting 
the  term  of  their  enlistment,  that  they  had  received 
no  wages  for  more  than  a  year,  and  that  they  were 
destitute  of  clothing,  and  had  often  been  deprived 
of  their  rations." 

This  open  mutiny  caused  great  anxiety  to  the 
Commander-in-chief,  and  he  called  a  council  of  war 
at  his  headquarters  at  New  Windsor,  on  the  west 
side  of  the  Hudson  River.  Sir  Henry  Clinton  art 
fully  endeavoured  to  avail  himself  of  the  revolt  to 
weaken  the  American  forces.  But  his  emissaries, 
who  were  instructed  to  offer  money  and  immunity 
from  military  duty  to  such  of  the  mutineers  as  were 
willing  to  come  into  his  lines,  were  repelled  with 
scorn  and  were  turned  over  to  General  Wayne  to 
await  developments.  The  result  was  that  the  claims 
of  the  soldiers  were  found  to  be  just  and  right, 
and  their  complaints  were  finally  met  by  Congress 
and  satisfied.  Clinton's  emissaries  were  eventually 
hanged  as  spies.  The  mutiny  of  a  part  of  the 
Jersey  line,  which  almost  immediately  followed, 
did  not  end  so  happily.  These  troops,  stationed  at 
Pompton,  New  Jersey,  followed  the  example  of  the 
Pennsylvanians,  but  more  severe  measures  were 
adopted  towards  them,  Washington  being  deter 
mined  to  check  the  spirit  of  insubordination  then 


i78i]        Darkest  Days  of  the  War         141 

and  there.  General  Robert  Howe,  with  five  hun 
dred  men,  was  ordered  to  surround  and  capture  the 
mutineers  and  punish  the  ringleaders.  This  was 
promptly  done,  and  three  of  the  leaders  were  con 
demned  to  be  shot  by  the  mutineers.  Two  of  the 
condemned  men  were  instantly  executed ;  the  third 
was  pardoned  on  the  spot  at  the  intercession  of  his 
officers.  This  heroic  treatment  was  successful,  and 
the  troops  returned  to  duty,  much  to  the  chagrin  of 
Sir  Henry  Clinton,  whose  emissaries  were  again  sent 
out  with  offers  of  aid  and  comfort  to  the  mutineers, 
on  condition  that  they  come  over  into  his  camp  on 
Staten  Island. 

The  news  of  the  mutiny  of  the  Pennsylvania  line 
was  taken  to  Boston  by  Knox,  who,  at  the  request 
of  Washington,  had  undertaken  to  present  to  the 
New  England  States  a  statement  of  the  pitiable 
condition  of  the  army.  Armed  with  a  letter  of  ex 
plicit  instructions  from  the  Commander-in-chief, 
Knox  presented  in  forcible  terms  the  woes  of  the 
troops.  To  quote  his  own  language,  he  showed 
"  the  aggravated  calamities  and  distresses  that  have 
resulted  from  the  total  want  of  pay,  for  nearly 
twelve  months,  the  want  of  clothing  in  a  severe 
season,  and  not  unfrequently  the  want  of  provisions," 
all  of  which  trials  he  declared  "  are  beyond  descrip 
tion."  His  mission  was  successful  to  a  certain  ex 
tent,  and  the  legislatures  of  Massachusetts  and 
New  Hampshire  voted  to  send  at  once  to  each  en 
listed  man  and  non-commissioned  officer  who  had 
enlisted  from  those  States  "  for  the  war  "  the  sum 
of  twenty-four  dollars  in  specie,  Relief  also  came 


142  Henry  Knox  [1778- 

from  other  States,  and  the  condition  of  the  army,  in 
many  respects,  became  materially  improved  after 
this  crisis  had  been  safely  passed. 

Arnold's  invasion  of  Virginia  was  not  to  be  treated 
lightly,  notwithstanding  the  predatory  character 
which  it  had  been  made  to  assume.  Washington 
made  preparations  to  march  to  the  relief  of  the 
harassed  Virginians,  and  in  February  Lafayette 
was  ordered  to  Chesapeake  Bay  to  embark  for  the 
lower  part  of  Virginia.  On  the  sixteenth  of  that 
month  Washington  sent  to  Knox  detailed  instruc 
tions  to  procure  war  materials  necessary  for  "a 
capital  operation  against  New  York,  or  against 
Charleston,  Savannah,  Penobscot,  etc.,  in  case  of 
inability  to  undertake  the  siege  of  the  first  and 
principal  object."  Knox  promptly  promised  to  use 
his  utmost  exertions  to  furnish  the  needed  supplies, 
but  he  reported  the  difficulties  of  obtaining  the  re 
quisite  materials,  and  complained  of  the  dilatoriness 
of  the  Board  of  War  in  honouring  his  requisitions  for 
these  imperatively  needed  articles.  '  Powder,"  he- 
said,  "  is  an  article  of  which  we  are  so  deficient 
that,  when  a  reasonable  quantity  shall  be  appro 
priated  for  the  use  of  the  posts  in  the  highlands 
(which  ought  and  will  be  furnished  under  all  circum 
stances),  there  will  literally  none  remain." 

There  was  evidently  a  clash  between  Clinton  and 
Cornwallis  as  to  the  general  principles  on  which  the 
Southern  campaign  should  be  conducted;  Clinton's 
notion  was  that  the  Southern  States  should  be  con 
quered  from  the  southward,  taking  Georgia  as  the 
British  base  of  operations.  Cornwallis's  plan  was 


Darkest  Days  of  the  War         143 

first  to  invade  and  hold  absolute  possession  of  Vir 
ginia.  Greene  and  Marion  gave  the  British  troops 
under  Rawdon  and  Stewart  many  a  hard  tussle 
during  the  summer.  The  battles  of  Hobkirk's 
Hill,  the  Cowpens,  and  Eutaw  Springs,  and  other 
engagements  with  the  enemy  generally  left  the  ad 
vantage  with  the  Americans,  and  by  midsummer 
the  British  forces  were  literally  shut  up  in  Charles 
ton,  Savannah,  and  Wilmington,  not  a  handful  of 
their  men  being  found  outside  the  environs  of  those 
three  cities. 

Proposing  the  complete  investiture  of  the  city  of 
New  York  for  his  immediate  objective,  Washington, 
accompanied  by  Knox,  went  to  Wethersfield,  Conn., 
to  hold  a  conference  with  Rochambeau  as  to  the 
best  method  of  employing  the  French  fleets  and  the 
allied  armies  in  the  forthcoming  operations.  Knox 
was  one  of  the  few  American  generals  who  spoke 
the  French  language  with  some  degree  of  fluency; 
he  had  studied  French  while  engaged  in  the  active 
duties  of  a  bookseller's  apprentice  in  the  shop  of  the 
excellent  Mr.  Bowes,  Cornhill ;  and  he  found  the 
accomplishment  of  great  use  when  he  was  brought 
into  contact  with  the  officers  of  our  ally  beyond  the 
seas.  While  at  Wethersfield,  Knox  wrote  as  fol 
lows,  on  May  20,  1781,  to  his  brother  in  Boston: 
'  I  am  here,  my  dear  brother,  having  arrived  last 
evening,  with  his  Excellency,  the  General,  and 
General  Duportail  to  meet  Count  Rochambeau  and 
Admiral  Barras,  upon  some  matters  of  great  conse 
quence.  We  came  here  last  night.  The  French 
gentlemen  will  be  here  to-morrow,  and  we  shall 


144  Henry  Knox  [1778- 

probably  depart  in  two  days  after."  But  the  coun 
cil  did  not  break  up  until  five  days  later,  for,  on  the 
25th,  Knox  wrote  again:  "  We  have  not  finished 
our  business  until  this  morning.  Count  Rocham- 
beau  left  us  yesterday,  and  we  shall  set  out  in  about 
one  hour,  and  shall  expect  to  reach  New  Windsor 
to-morrow  evening." 

It  was  probably  at  this  conference  in  Wethersfield 
that  the  allied  generals  agreed  upon  the  main  details 
of  the  remarkable  campaign  which,  having  the  siege 
of  New  York  for  its  primary  and  ostensible  purpose, 
had  yet  a  far-reaching  ulterior  object  which  was  to 
confound  the  enemy  and  administer  to  him  an  irre 
trievable  defeat.  Writing  to  Knox  from  army  head 
quarters  at  New  Windsor,  under  date  of  May  28, 
1781,  Washington  says: 

"  As  you  are  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  measures  which  have 
been  concerted  with  the  Count  de  Rochambeau,  I  have  only  to  re 
quest  that  you  will  be  pleased  to  make  all  necessary  estimates  of 
articles  wanted  in  your  department,  and  also  to  put  the  whole  busi 
ness  (so  far  as  is  within  your  reach),  in  the  best  train  of  execution 
which  our  embarrassed  circumstances  will  possibly  admit.  Under 
the  present  appearances  of  an  evacuation  of  New  York,  I  think  it 
will  be  proper  to  draw  the  stores  from  the  eastward  rather  than 
from  the  southward." 

The  fleet  of  Admiral  Barras  was  at  Newport  and 
that  of  De  Grasse  was  on  the  way  from  the  West 
Indies  and  soon  to  be  within  hailing  distance  of  the 
Admiral.  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  in  New  York,  might 
well  be  bewildered  when  he  wished  to  divine  whether 
the  Chesapeake,  or  New  York  Bay,  was  to  be  the 
objective  point  of  the  allied  forces  which  he  saw 


COUNT   DE  QRASSE. 


tySij        Darkest  Days  of  the  War         145 

making  preparations  for  a  summer  campaign.  As 
far  as  possible,  Washington  strengthened  Clinton's 
apprehensions  of  a  siege  of  New  York.  His  ad 
vance  from  the  vicinity  of  West  Point  and  similar 
movements  on  the  Hudson  convinced  the  British 
General  that  active  operations  against  the  city  were 
imminent. 

Moving  in  four  divisions,  Rochambeau's  army 
marched  from  Connecticut  to  the  Hudson  in  perfect 
order,  reaching  North  Castle  (where  Washington 
had  made  his  stand  after  the  retreat  from  White 
Plains,  in  1776),  on  the  2d,  3d,  and  4th  of  July;  and 
on  the  6th  of  that  month  the  allied  armies  were  en 
camped  on  a  line  which  stretched  from  Dobbs  Ferry 
on  the  Hudson  to  the  Bronx  River. 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE   BRITISH   SURRENDER   AT   YORKTOWN 


j]HE  consummate  strategy  with  which 
Washington  beguiled  the  enemy  was 
kept  up  for  several  weeks.  The  ex 
act  time  when  the  fleet  of  De  Grasse 
should  be  available  for  carrying  out 
the  details  of  Washington's  deep-laid  plan  could  not 
be  definitely  fixed  ;  and  upon  the  movements  of  the 
French  ships  much  depended.  Meanwhile,  every 
semblance  of  a  close  siege  of  New  York  was  main 
tained.  Works  were  thrown  up  on  the  Jersey  shore 
opposite  the  northern  end  of  Staten  Island,  parties 
of  observation  were  continually  appearing  at  points 
near  and  overlooking  the  city  of  New  York,  and 
active  movements  were  zealously  practised  in  parts 
of  Westchester  County  nearest  the  city.  Clinton, 
naturally  expecting  a  siege,  which  would  be  aided 
by  a  blockade  of  the  harbour  by  the  combined 
French  fleets,  withdrew  from  the  grumbling  and 
unwilling  Cornwallis  a  considerable  part  of  his 
forces,  and  it  seemed  as  if  the  entire  British  army 

146 


i7si]  Surrender  at  Yorktown  147 

in  Virginia  might  be  required  to  defend  New  York 
against  the  allied  forces. 

It  was  not  until  the  middle  of  August  that  news 
was  brought  to  Washington  that  De  Grasse  would 
be  at  the  mouth  of  the  Chesapeake  with  his  ships  by 
the  last  of  that  month.  Whatever  movement  was 
likely  to  be  resolved  upon,  the  army  was  ready  for 
any  orders.  In  the  latter  part  of  July,  Knox  wrote 
to  his  brother  this  characteristic  letter: 

"  Lucy,  with  her  sweet  children,  has  gone  up  the  river  [the  Hud 
son],  with  Mrs.  Cochran*  on  a  visit  to  some  families.  I  suppose 
she  will  proceed  as  far  as  Albany  ;  after  which,  I  think,  she  will  sit 
down  in  Jersey  for  the  remainder  of  the  campaign.  Although  we 
are  not  bad  in  accommodating  ourselves  to  our  circumstances,  yet  I 
sensibly  feel  the  inconveniences  we  labor  under,  to  accumulate  in 
proportion  to  the  increase  of  our  family.  I  sincerely  pray  God  that 
the  war  may  be  ended  this  campaign,  that  public  and  private  society 
may  be  restored. 

"  The  vile  water-gruel  governments  which  have  taken  place  in 
most  of  the  States  are  wholly  disproportioned  to  the  exigencies  of 
the  war,  and  are  productive  of  sentiments  unworthy  an  energetic 
republic.  However,  I  hope  we  shall  wade  through. 

"  I  cannot,  in  justice,  omit  paying  some  compliments  to  our  State. 
The  policy  appears  to  be  enlarged  and  liberal  ;  and  the  exertions 
greatly  surpass,  at  this  present  time,  any  State  in  the  union.  The 
same  tone,  sentiments,  and  exertion,  pervading  all  the  States,  would 
indisputably  render  this  the  last  campaign. 

"  The  enemy  lately  sent  some  ships  up  the  river  with  an  intent  to 
interrupt  our  communication  by  water  with  West  Point,  but  they 
retired  yesterday  without  effecting  any  thing  of  consequence." 


*  Mrs.  Cochran  was  the  wife  of  Dr.  John  Cochran,  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  Director-General  of  the  military  hospitals  of  the  United 
States.  After  the  close  of  the  war,  he  removed  to  New  York  where 
he  practised  medicine  and  surgery.  Under  Washington,  he  was 
subsequently  appointed  Commissioner  of  Loans  for  the  State  of  New 
York. 


148  Henry  Knox 

And  still  the  plan  of  campaign,  the  campaign  on 
which  Knox  placed  such  high  hopes,  was  virtually 
waiting  on  the  movements  of  the  enemy.  How 
completely  Sir  Henry  Clinton  had  been  fooled  by 
the  manoeuvres  of  Washington  was  not  yet  evident. 
The  details  of  his  plans  could  not  be  unfolded  at 
present.  Knox,  writing  from  the  camp  near  Dobbs 
Ferry,  August  3,  1781,  thus  salutes  his  wife  and 
attempts  to  parry  her  inquiries  as  to  the  military 
situation  and  prospects: 

"Yesterday  was  your  birthday.  I  cannot  attempt  to  show  you 
how  much  I  was  affected  by  it.  I  remembered  it  and  humbly  pe 
titioned  Heaven  to  grant  us  the  happiness  of  continuing  our  union 
until  we  should  have  the  felicity  of  seeing  our  children  flourishing 
around  us,  and  ourselves  crowned  with  virtue,  peace,  and  years,  and 
that  we  both  might  take  our  flight  together,  secure  of  a  happy 
immortality.  .  .  .  All  is  harmony  and  good  fellowship  between 
the  two  armies.  I  have  no  doubt,  when  opportunity  offers,  that  the 
zeal  of  the  French  and  the  patriotism  of  the  Americans  will  go  hand 
in  hand  to  glory.  I  cannot  explain  to  you  the  exact  plan  of  the 
campaign  :  we  don't  know  it  ourselves.  You  know  what  we  wish, 
but  we  hope  for  more  at  present  than  we  believe." 

It  is  impossible  to  read  without  emotion  let 
ters  like  these,  breathing  alike  a  devout  and 
reverent  religious  spirit  and  a  sincere  and  exalted 
patriotism.  Providence,  in  whose  beneficence  Gen 
eral  Knox  so  implicitly  trusted,  had  in  store  for 
him  years  of  peace  crowned  with  virtue,  and  a 
victorious  ending  of  the  campaign  then  about  to 
be  entered  upon  under  circumstances  that  tried 
men's  souls. 

Some  entertaining  gossip  regarding  the  French 
officers  serving  the  American  cause  at  this  time  is 


1781]  Surrender  at  Yorktown  149 

given  in  this  letter  from  William  Knox  to  his  brother 
in  camp : 

"  BOSTON,  Aug.  22,  1781. 

"  I  suppose,  from  necessity,  you  are  obliged  to  speak  much  French, 
which,  you  having  long  since  learnt  the  theoretic  part,  I  should  im 
agine  from  a  little  practice,  would  come  easy  to  you. 

"  If  I  recollect,  the  Compte  Rochambeau  doesn't  speak  a  word 
of  English,  nor  do  the  two  brothers  Viomenil,  Marquis  Laval,  or 
Compte  St.  Maine.  The  two  counts  Deux  Fonts,  on  the  other 
hand,  speak  it  pretty  well  ;  and  the  most  amiable  General  Chastellux, 
a  merveille.  If  you  have  opportunity  I  am  sure  must  be  very  inti 
mate  with  General  C.,  if  the  two  characters  of  the  man  of  letters  and 
the  polite  gentleman  are  recommendations,  I  know  nobody  who  can 
be  more  strongly  recommended.  I  have  reason  to  speak  of  the 
civility  of  all  the  gentlemen  I  have  named,  and  of  many  which  I 
have  not,  and  who  belong  to  that  army,  but  more  particularly  of 
those  shown  me  by  the  Chevalier  Chastellux,  at  whose  petits  soupers 
I  was  invited  two  evenings  out  of  the  three  when  I  was  at  Newport. 
I  mention  this  as  being  a  particular  mark  of  his  attention,  for  the 
being  invited  to  dine  is  a  common  compliment  from  him  to  recom 
mended  strangers  ;  but  the  evening  circle  is  always  selected." 

The  Chevalier  de  Chastellux,  to  whom  William 
Knox  refers  in  terms  of  admiration,  was  a  major- 
general  in  the  army  of  Rochambeau  and  a  member  of 
the  French  Academy.  After  the  conclusion  of 'the 
war  he  wrote  a  book  descriptive  of  his  travels  in 
America,  in  which  he  makes  frequent  mention  of  Gen 
eral  Knox,  for  whom  he  appears  to  have  conceived 
a  warm  and  ardent  friendship.  In  the  latter  part  of 
the  preceding  year  he  had  accepted  an  invitation  to 
visit  the  American  army  headquarters  at  New  Wind 
sor,  and  in  his  journal  he  spoke  of  his  observations 
there  with  considerable  detail.  Visiting  the  artillery 
camp  in  company  with  General  Washington,  the 
distinguished  Frenchman  was  received  by  General 


Henry  Knox  [1781 

Knox  at  the  head  of  his  battalions.  The  artillery 
Was  exhibited  in  fine  order,  each  gunner  at  his  post 
and  ready  to  fire  at  the  word.  General  Knox 
apologised  for  not  firing  a  salute,  explaining  that 
the  troops  on  the  Jersey  side  of  the  river  had  re 
ceived  orders  to  put  themselves  in  motion,  and  that 
an  unexpected  firing  might  mislead  and  alarm  them. 
On  another  occasion,  Chastellux  and  Lafayette 
visited  the  generals  of  the  army  at  their  several 
headquarters,  and  Knox,  conducting  the  visitors 
back  to  Washington's  headquarters,  brought  them 
by  a  woodland  road  to  his  retired  private  residence 
where  Mrs.  Knox  and  her  children  were  placed  for 
the  campaign.  The  spot  and  the  "  real  family," 
as  the  chevalier  called  it,  made  a  vivid  impression 
upon  the  foreign  visitor  who  makes  special  mention 
of  it  in  his  book  of  travels. 

After  his  return  to  France,  Chastellux  wrote  fre 
quently  to  Knox,  and  one  of  his  letters,  dated 
March  30,  1782,  gives  evidence  of  the  warmth  of  his 

friendship.      He  says: 

• 

"  My  sentiments  will  always  meet  yours,  and  I  hope  that  I  shall 
not  be  excelled  in  serving  America  and  loving  General  Knox.  Let 
us  be  brothers  in  arms,  and  friends  in  time  of  peace.  Let  the  alliance 
between  our  respective  countries  dwell  in  our  bosoms,  where  it  shall 
find  a  perfect  emblem  of  the  two  powers  :  in  mine,  the  seniority  ;  in 
yours,  the  extent  of  territory. 

"  I  depend  upon  your  faith,  and  I  pledge  my  honour  that  no  in 
terest  in  the  world  can  prevail  over  the  warm  and  firm  attachment 
with  which  I  have  the  honour  to  be 

"DE  CHASTELLUX." 

Two  days  before  Washington  heard  of  the  desti 
nation  of  the  French  fleet,  upon  whose  movements 


i78i]  Surrender  at  Yorktown  151 

so  much  depended,  General  Greene  wrote  to  Knox 
from  his  camp  on  the  Santee,  South  Carolina,  in 
these  familiar  and  jocular  terms: 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — If  accounts  are  true,  that  New  York  is 
seriously  invested,  you  must  be  the  hero  of  the  day.  Methinks  I 
hear  the  cannon  roar  while  I  am  writing.  The  shells  and  the  shot 
fired  from  the  besiegers  and  the  besieged  must  make  a  terrible  rat 
tling.  The  splendour  of  such  a  siege  will  sink  our  puny  operations 
into  nothing.  But,  after  you  have  clone  at  New  York,  it  is  to  be 
hoped  that  you  will  come  to  the  southward  and  unfetter  the  poor 
unfortunate  inhabitants  of  Charlestown.  I  should  be  happy  to  see  my 
old  friend,  McDougall,  in  the  field  of  speculation.  How  goes  on  his 
chapter  of  difficulties  ?  The  siege  of  New  York,  I  imagine,  will  afford 
him  a  large  collection  of  materials.  Where  is  Howe,*  with  his  nose  ? 
has  he  left  off  his  port,  or  forgiven  the  boy  who  insulted  him  so 
grossly  at  Morristown  ?  The  story  is  told  even  in  this  country  ;  and 
I  declare,  upon  my  honour,  I  did  not  bring  it  here. 

"  Where  is  the  noble  Earl  [Stirling]  ?  I  hope  he  's  had  an  oppor 
tunity  to  review  the  ground  on  Long  Island  ;  and,  I  presume,  every 
officer  of  note  in  the  French  army  has  heard  in  detail  the  particulars. 
We  have  had  a  report  here  that  General  Howe  and  he  had  had  a 
duel,  but  I  do  not  believe  it.  Honest  fellows  !  what  have  they  to 
quarrel  about  ? 

"  I  am  sending  aide-de-camp  after  aide-de-camp  to  get  news  from 
the  northward.  I  am  not  a  little  apprehensive  the  people  on  the 
road  will  think  the  Southern  army  is  broken  up. 

"  I  beg  you  will  present  Mrs.  Knox  with  my  most  affectionate  re 
gards  and  I  hope  you  will  not  get  in  the  way  of  a  four-and-twenty 
pounder,  but  will  return  to  her  with  whole  bones." 

The  American  army  was  set  in  motion  on  the 
morning  of  the  iQth  of  August,  with  every  appear 
ance  of  being  marched  straight  to  New  York.  But 
the  troops  were  at  once  faced  westward  and  pressed 
forward  in  the  direction  of  King's  Ferry,  on  the 


*  The  American  Major-General  Robert  Howe. 


i52  Henry  Knox  [1781 

Hudson  River.  On  the  same  day  the  French  army 
also  moved,  and,  by  the  22d,  both  armies  were  well 
across  the  river,  the  Americans  being  headed  for 
Springfield,  New  Jersey,  and  the  French  marching 
directly  upon  Trenton,  with  the  view  of  crossing  the 
Delaware  at  that  point.  Heath  was  left  in  com 
mand  on  the  Hudson,  with  three  thousand  men, 
for  the  defence  of  West  Point;  and  it  is  likely  that 
no  one  in  the  American  army,  save  Heath  and 
Knox,  knew  the  direction  of  the  masterly  move 
ment  which  Washington  had  now  undertaken. 

On  the  2d  of  September  the  Americans  were 
marching  through  Philadelphia,  and  the  French 
followed  on  the  next  day.  Lafayette,  who  was  in 
lower  Virginia,  had  been  instructed  to  prevent  the 
retreat  of  Cornwallis  into  North  Carolina,  and  the 
French  fleet,  after  several  desultory  engagements 
with  the  English,  was  hovering  off  the  mouth  of 
the  Chesapeake  with  three  thousand  troops  on  board. 
DC  Grasse's  force  consisted  of  thirty  ships  of  the  line, 
and  he  was  instructed  to  put  himself  into  communica 
tion  with  Lafayette  as  expeditiously  as  possible. 

Dr.  Thacher,  who  participated  in  this  strategical 
movement,  has  written  the  following  striking  ac 
count  of  its  opening- 


"Our  situation  reminds  me  of  some  theatrical  exhibition  where 
the  interest  and  expectations  of  the  spectators  are  continually  in 
creasing,  and  where  curiosity  is  wrought  to  the  highest  point.  Our 
destination  has  for  sometime  been  a  matter  of  perplexing  doubt  and 
uncertainty  ;  bets  have  run  high  on  one  side,  that  we  were  to  occupy 
the  ground  marked  out  on  the  Jersey  shore,  to  aid  in  the  siege  of 
York,  and  on  the  other,  that  we  were  stealing  a  march  on  the 


i7Si]  Surrender  at  Yorktown  153 

enemy,  and  actually  destined  to  Virginia  in  pursuit  of  the  army  of 
Lord  Cornwallis." 

It  is  not  likely  that  Benedict  Arnold's  town- 
burning  expedition  to  Connecticut,  which  was 
started  about  this  time,  was  intended  to  divert 
Washington's  attention  by  a  fire  in  the  rear.  The 
infamous  raid  which,  however  unjustifiable  and 
cruel,  could  not  add  a  tint  to  the  blackness  of 
Arnold's  ill-repute,  was  actually  planned  before  the 
news  of  Washington's  march  southward  could  have 
reached  Clinton. 

While  the  French  troops  were  in  Philadelphia, 
and  the  French  officers  were  being  entertained  by 
the  Chevalier  de  Lauzun,  Ambassador  from  the 
French  court,  a  message  from  the  fleet  was  an 
nounced.  The  Chevalier,  who  stood  at  the  head  of 
his  table,  made  the  joyful  statement  that  "  thirty- 
six  ships  of  the  line,  commanded  by  Monsieur  le 
Compte  de  Grasse,  are  arrived  in  the  Chesapeake 
Bay,  and  three  thousand  men  have  landed  and 
opened  a  communication  with  the  Marquis  de  la 
Fayette."  For  all  practical  purposes,  the  York 
peninsula  was  now  ready  for  American  occupation, 
and  the  doom  of  the  army  of  the  sullen  and  discon 
tented  Cornwallis  was  sealed.  Cornwallis  had  ap 
peared  to  find  a  grim  pleasure  in  warning  Clinton  of 
the  dangers  of  his  own  situation  while  he  had  un 
graciously  acceded  to  the  wishes  and  obeyed  the 
orders  of  his  commanding  officer. 

Everywhere  on  the  march  southward  the  army  of 
Washington  was  hailed  with  extravagant  demon 
strations  of  joy  by  the  patriotic  inhabitants,  who 


154  Henry  Knox  [1781 

seemed  to  see  in  this  unexpected  and  formidable 
array  the  promise  of  a  speedy  deliverance  of  their 
beloved  country  from  the  heel  of  the  invader.  Gen 
eral  Knox  is  authority  for  the  story  that  when  pass 
ing  through  Pennsylvania,  General  Washington  and 
his  staff — General  Knox  and  others — stopped  at  a 
farmhouse  to  breakfast ;  and  when  the  meal  was 
finished,  and  the  party  were  waiting  for  their  horses, 
the  people  of  the  neighbourhood  were  admitted  to 
pay  their  respects  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  for 
whom  the  popular  love  and  admiration  were  univer 
sal.  Among  the  visitors  was  a  venerable  man,  evi 
dently  the  patriarch  of  the  place,  who  approached 
Washington  and  stood  before  him  for  a  few  mo 
ments,  gazing  in  his  face  without  speaking.  The 
attitude  of  the  aged  patriot  was  observed  by  all  in 
the  room  in  perfect  silence,  when,  raising  his  hands 
and  eyes  to  heaven,  he  exclaimed  in  tones  of  mingled 
pathos  and  veneration,  "  Lord,  now  lettest  Thou 
Thy  servant  depart  in  peace,  for  mine  eyes  have  seen 
Thy  salvation." 

On  the  30th  of  September,  the  British  at  York- 
town  were  surrounded  from  a  point  on  the  James 
River  above  to  a  point  below.  The  French,  under 
the  command  of  Viomenil,  were  on  the  right;  the 
Americans,  now  under  the  immediate  command  of 
General  Benjamin  Lincoln,  were  on  the  left.  Corn- 
wallis,  retired  within  his  works,  was  throwing  around 
himself  a  maze  of  redoubts,  earthworks,  and  ditches, 
ineffectual  for  the  purposes  of  defence. 

In  the  Knox  Papers  is  to  be  found  a  detailed  state 
ment  of  the  force  of  artillery  available  for  the  siege 


iy8i]  Surrender  at  Yorktown  155 

of  Yorktown,  furnished  to  the  Commander-in-chief 
by  Knox,  and  dated  at  "  Park  of  Artillery,  24th 
August,  1781."  This  document  shows  that  the 
siege  guns  were  twenty-three  in  number,  three  being 
24-pounders  and  twenty  i8-pounders,  all  of  iron. 
The  brass  pieces  were  howitzers  and  mortars, 
twenty-one  all  told,  and  of  varying  calibre,  mostly 
lO-inch  bore.  The  field  artillery  numbered  fifteen 
brass  pieces  of  ordnance,  the  largest  being  two  12- 
pounders,  and  the  others  6-  and  3-pounders.  The 
French  contingent  in  the  artillery  service  was  twenty 
24-  and  i6-pounders  and  sixteen  mortars  and  how 
itzers  for  the  siege;  and  thirty-two  large  guns  and 
four  howitzers  for  the  field.  As  at  the  siege  of 
Boston,  in  1775,  Knox's  fertility  of  expedient  and 
tireless  energy  were  adequate  to  the  occasion,  his 
power  to  create  material  apparently  being  implicitly 
relied  upon  to  remedy  all  deficiencies.  Washing 
ton  reported  to  Congress,  after  the  siege,  that 
Knox's  services  had  been  of  inestimable  value  and 
that  "  the  resources  of  his  genius  supplied  the  deficit 
of  means." 

In  Chastellux's  Travels  in  North  America,  before 
alluded  to,  the  author  says: 

"  We  cannot  sufficiently  admire  the  intelligence  and  activity  with 
which  he  [Knox]  collected  from  different  places  and  transported  to 
the  batteries  more  than  thirty  pieces  of  cannon  and  mortars  of  large 
calibre,  for  the  siege.  .  .  .  The  artillery  was  always  very  well 
served,  the  general  incessantly  directing  it  and  often  himself  point 
ing  the  mortars  :  seldom  did  he  leave  the  batteries.  .  .  .  The 
English  marvelled  no  less  at  the  extraordinary  progress  of  the 
American  artillery,  and  at  the  capacity  and  instruction  of  the  officers. 
As  to  General  Knox,  but  one-half  has  been  said  in  commending  his 


156  Henry  Knox 

military  genius.  He  is  a  man  of  talent,  well  instructed,  of  a  buoy 
ant  disposition,  ingenuous  and  true  :  it  is  impossible  to  know  him 
without  esteeming  and  loving  him." 

This  cordial  and  apparently  sincere  tribute  to  the 
character  of  Henry  Knox  comes  from  a  competent 
authority. 

While  Washington's  temporary  headquarters  were 
at  Williamsburg,  Virginia,  the  Commander-in-chief, 
accompanied  by  Knox,  Rochambeau,  Duportail, 
and  Chastellux  went  down  to  De  Grasse's  fleet,  and 
on  board  the  Ville  de  Paris  arranged  a  plan  of  co 
operation.  Subsequently,  expecting  an  attack  from 
the  British  fleet,  and  dreading  a  combat  inside  the 
Capes,  De  Grasse  announced  his  intention  of  put 
ting  to  sea  to  meet  the  enemy  outside.  This  was 
likely  to  upset  the  plans  agreed  upon,  which  in 
cluded  the  cutting-off  of  all  hope  from  seaward  for 
Cornwallis,  and  Lafayette  and  Knox  were  sent  to 
the  French  naval  commander  to  entreat  him  to  stay 
where  he  was;  fortunately,  the  advice  of  the  two 
generals  persuaded  De  Grasse  to  remain. 

General  Greene,  Knox's  intimate  and  steadfast 
friend,  still  held  in  his  camp  on  the  Santee,  wrote 
Knox  a  characteristic  letter  on  the  2Qth  of  Septem 
ber,  in  which  he  says : 

"Sept.  29,  1781. 

44  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — Where  you  are  I  know  not,  but  if  you  are 
where  I  wish  you,  it  is  with  the  General  in  Virginia  ;  the  prospect  is 
so  bright  and  the  glory  so  great,  that  I  want  you  to  be  there  to  share 
in  them.  I  was  in  hopes  you  would-  have  operated  seriously  against 
New  York,  which  would  have  been  still  more  important ;  but  as  your 
operations  are  directed  another  way,  I  take  it  for  granted  means 
were  wanting  to  play  the  great  game. 


i78i]  Surrender  at  Yorktown  157 

"We  have  been  beating  the  bush,  and  the  General  has  come  to 
catch  the  bird.  Never  was  there  a  more  inviting  object  to  glory. 
The  General  is  a  most  fortunate  man,  and  may  success  and  laurels 
attend  him.  We  have  fought  frequently  and  bled  freely  and  little 
glory  comes  to  our  share.  Our  force  has  been  so  small  that  nothing 
capital  could  be  effected,  and  our  operations  have  been  conducted 
under  every  disadvantage  that  could  embarrass  either  a  general  or 
any  army. 

"  I  long  to  see  you,  and  spend  an  evening's  conversation  together. 
Where  is  Mrs.  Knox  ?  and  how  is  Lucy  and  my  young  god-son,  Sir 
Harry  ?  I  beg  you  will  present  my  kind  compliments  and  best  wishes 
to  Mrs.  Knox. 

"  How  is  my  old  friend,  Colonel  Jackson? — is  he  as  fat  as  ever, 
and  can  he  still  eat  down  a  plate  of  fish  that  he  can't  see  over  ?  God 
bless  his  fat  soul  with  good  health  and  good  spirits  to  the  end  of  the 
war,  that  we  may  all  have  a  happy  meeting  in  the  North.  Please  to 
give  my  compliments  to  your  brother,  and  tell  him  we  are  catching 
at  smoky  glory  while  he  is  wisely  treasuring  up  solid  coin." 

Mrs.  Washington  had  invited  Mrs.  Knox  to  make 
Mount  Vernon  her  home  for  the  remainder  of  the 
campaign,  and  about  the  middle  of  September, 
Mrs.  Knox,  leaving  her  young  daughter  in  Phila 
delphia,  went  to  the  Washington  family  seat  where 
she  could  be  within  a  reasonable  distance  of  the  seat 
of  war  in  Virginia.  On  the  first  day  of  October, 
Knox  wrote  to  his  wife  as  follows:  "  We  came  be 
fore  York  on  the  28th  [of  September] ;  on  the  2Qth 
nearly  completed  the  investiture;  but  yesterday  the 
enemy  evacuated  their  outposts,  which  gives  us  a 
considerable  advantage  in  point  of  time.  Our 
prospects  are  good,  and  we  shall  soon  hope  to  im 
press  our  haughty  foe  with  a  respect  for  continental 
arms.  • ' 

After  a  vain  attempt  to  elude  the  besiegers,  con 
vinced  of  his  inability  to  escape  or  to  hold  out  any 


i58  Henry  Knox  [1781 

longer,  Cornwallis  offered  to  open  negotiations  for  a 
surrender;  and  on  the  iQth  of  October,  the  terms 
of  capitulation  were  formally  concluded.  Corn 
wallis,  chagrined  and  mortified,  took  no  part  in  the 
ceremonies  of  the  final  surrender;  pleading  illness, 
he  deputed  General  O'Hara  to  act  in  his  stead. 
General  Benjamin  Lincoln,  whose  surrender  at 
Charleston  had  been  forced  under  aggravating  cir 
cumstances,  designed  to  humiliate  the  American 
commander,  received  the  sword  of  O'Hara,  but  im 
mediately  returned  to  that  officer  the  weapon  tend 
ered  in  token  of  the  British  surrender. 

\Yilliam  Knox  had  hastened  on  to  Virginia  to  be 
"in  at  the  death  "  which  was  so  confidently  ex 
pected  by  his  illustrious  brother.  He  was  now  on 
his  way  to  Mount  Vernon  to  carry  the  great  news  to 
the  ladies  who  there  awaited  with  anxiety  and  hope 
tidings  from  their  liege  lords  at  Yorktown.  Knox's 
letter  to  his  wife,  written  on  the  morning  of  the 
formal  surrender,  is  as  follows : 

"  I  have  detained  William  until  this  moment  that  I  might  be  the 
first  to  communicate  good  news  to  the  charmer  of  my  soul.  A  glori 
ous  moment  for  America  !  This  day  Lord  Cornwallis  and  his  army 
march  out  and  pile  their  arms  in  the  face  of  our  victorious  army. 
The  day  before  yesterday  he  desired  commissioners  might  be  named 
to  treat  of  the  surrender  of  his  troops,  the  ships,  and  everything  they 
possess.  He  at  first  requested  that  the  Britons  might  be  sent  to 
Britain,  and  the  Germans  to  Germany  ;  but  this  the  General  refused, 
and  they  have  now  agreed  to  surrender  prisoners  of  war,  to  be  kept 
in  America  until  exchanged  or  released.  They  will  have  the  same 
honours  as  the  garrison  of  Charleston  ;  that  is,  they  will  not  be  per 
mitted  to  unfurl  their  colours,  or  play  Yankee  Doodle.  We  know 
not  yet  how  many  they  are.  The  General  has  just  requested  me  to 
be  at  headquarters  instantly,  therefore.  1  cannot  be  more  particular." 


S  I 


I-     ? 


I 


i7Si]  Surrender  at  Yorktown  159 

As  a  matter  of  record,  it  is  set  down  here  that 
Cormvallis's  entire  force  consisted  of  seven  thousand 
men,  of  whom  about  two  thousand  were  unfit  for 
duty.  The  allied  forces  were  about  fifteen  thousand 
men.  But  bad  management,  rather  than  inferiority 
of  numbers,  had  brought  Cornwallis  to  this  humiliat 
ing  pass.  Washington's  generalship  had  over 
whelmed  the  British  army  in  Virginia  with  a  disaster 
which  might  have  been  averted,  one  would  suppose, 
by  a  competent  military  strategist.  Too  late,  on 
the  very  day  of  Cornwallis's  surrender  at  Yorktown, 
Clinton  set  sail  from  New  York,  only  to  sail  back 
when  he  learned,  when  off  the  Chesapeake,  that  his 
dilatoriness  and  over-caution  had  been  the  ruin  of 
the  British  army  in  Virginia,  and  that  Cornwallis 
and  Cornwallis's  men  were  prisoners  of  war. 

Knox's  account  of  the  operations  in  Virginia  and 
the  final  surrender  of  Lord  Cornwallis,  sent  to  Mr. 
John  Jay,  American  Minister  to  the  court  at  Madrid, 
is  herewith  appended  as  a  valuable  and  entertain*- 
ing  contribution  to  the  history  of  the  time: 

"  CAMP  BEFORE  YORK,  IN  VIRGINIA, 

"  21  Oct.,  1781. 
"To  JOHN  JAY: 

"  The  enemy's  operations  in  these  States,  though  not  carried  on 
with  great  armies,  compared  with  those  of  1776  and  1777,  yet  were 
so  formidable  as  to  dispel  every  force  which  the  country  of  itself  was 
capable  of  opposing.  This  rendered  it  necessary  for  America  to 
march  its  army  here,  or  give  up  the  Southern  States  as  lost.  It  ap 
pears,  also,  to  have  been  the  opinion  of  the  French  Court,  as  Count 
de  Grasse  gave  intelligence  of  his  intention  of  arriving  at  the  Capes 
of  Virginia.  Our  previous  views  were  New  York.  The  dispositions 
were  made  on  the  Hudson  River  for  the  attack  of  Lord  Cornwallis 


160  Henry  Knox 


in  Virginia,  and  everything  has  succeeded  equal  to  our  sanguine 
wishes. 

"  This  important  affair  has  been  effected  by  the  most  harmonious 
concurrence  of  circumstances  that  could  possibly  have  happened  :  a 
fleet  and  troops  from  the  West  Indies,  under  the  orders  of  one  of  the 
best  men  in  the  world  ;  an  army  of  American  and  French  troops, 
marching  from  the  North  River,  —  five  hundred  miles,  —  and  the  fleet 
of  Count  de  Barras,  all  joining  so  exactly  in  point  of  time  as  to  ren 
der  what  has  happened  almost  certain. 

"  I  shall  not  enter  into  a  detail  of  circumstances  previous  to  the 
collection  of  our  force  at  Williamsburg,  twelve  miles  distant  from 
this  place,  which  was  made  on  the  27th  ult.  On  the  28th  we 
marched  to  the  camp,  and  on  the  2gth  and  3Oth  we  completed  the 
investiture  of  York.  A  body  of  American  militia,  Lauxun's  legion, 
and  some  marines  from  the  fleet  of  Count  de  Grasse,  at  the  same 
time  formed  in  the  vicinity  of  Gloucester,  so  as  to  prevent  any  in 
cursions  of  the  enemy  into  the  country.  From  the  1st  October  to 
the  6th  was  spent  in  preparing  our  materials  for  the  siege,  bringing 
forward  our  cannon  and  stores,  and  in  reconnoitring  the  points 
of  attack.  On  the  evening  of  the  6th  we  broke  ground  and  began 
our  first  parallel  within  six  hundred  yards  of  the  enemy's  works, 
undiscovered. 

"  The  first  parallel,  four  redoubts,  and  all  our  batteries  were 
finished  by  the  Qth,  at  two  o'clock  P.M.,  when  we  opened  our  bat 
teries  and  kept  them  playing  continually.  On  the  night  of  the  I2th 
we  began  our  second  parallel,  at  three  hundred  yards'  distance  from 
the  enemy.  And  on  the  night  of  the  I4th  we  stormed  the  two  re 
doubts  which  the  enemy  had  in  advance  of  their  main  works.  The 
gallant  troops  of  France  under  the  orders  of  Baron  de  Viomenil, 
and  the  hardy  soldiers  of  America  under  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette, 
attacked  separate  works  and  carried  them  in  an  instant.  This  bril 
liant  stroke  was  effected  without  any  great  loss  on  our  side  :  the 
enemy  lost  between  one  and  two  hundred.  This  advantage  was  im 
portant,  and  gave  us  an  opportunity  of  perfecting  our  second  par 
allel,  into  which  we  took  the  two  redoubts.  On  the  i6th,  just  before 
day,  the  enemy  made  a  sortie,  and  spiked  up  some  of  our  cannon, 
but  were  soon  repulsed  and  driven  back  to  their  works.  The  can 
non  were  soon  cleared  ;  and  the  same  day  our  batteries  in  the  second 
parallel  began  the  fire,  and  continued  without  intermission  until 
nine  o'clocU  in  the  morning  of  the  lyth  October,  ever  memorable  on 


i78i]  Surrender  at  Yorktown  161 

account  of  the  Saratoga  affair,  when  the  enemy  sent  a  flag,  offering 
to  treat  of  the  surrender  of  the  posts  of  York  and  Gloucester.  The 
firing  continued  until  two  o'clock,  when  commissioners  on  both 
sides  met  to  adjust  the  capitulation  which  was  not  finished  and 
signed  until  twelve  o'clock  on  the  igth.  Our  troops  took  possession 
of  two  redoubts  of  the  enemy  soon  after,  and  about  two  o'clock  the 
enemy  marched  out  and  grounded  their  arms. 

"  The  whole  garrison  are  prisoners  of  war,  and  had  the  same 
honours  only  as  were  granted  to  our  garrison  at  Charleston, — their 
colours  were  cased,  and  they  were  prohibited  playing  a  French  or 
American  tune. 

"  The  returns  are  not  yet  collected  ;  but  including  officers,  sick 
and  well,  there  are  more  than  seven  thousand,  exclusive  of  seamen, 
who  are  supposed  to  amount  to  one  thousand.  There  are  near  forty 
sail  of  topsail  vessels  in  the  harbour,  about  one-half  of  which  the 
enemy  sunk  upon  different  occasions  ;  about  two  hundred  pieces  of 
cannon,  nearly  one-half  of  them  brass  ;  a  great  number  of  arms, 
drums,  and  colours  are  among  the  trophies  of  this  decisive  stroke. 
The  prisoners  are  to  be  sent  into  any  part  of  this  State,  Maryland, 
or  Pennsylvania.  The  consequences  will  be  extensively  beneficial. 
The  enemy  will  immediately  be  confined  to  Charleston  and  New 
York  and  reduced  to  a  defensive  war  of  those  two  posts,  for  which 
they  have  not  more  troops  in  America  than  to  form  adequate 
garrisons." 

An  incident  of  one  of  the  assaults  alluded  to  by 
Knox  in  his  letter  to  Jay  is  thus  described  by 
Thacher,  who  was  present  at  the  siege : 

"During  the  assault,  the  British  kept  up  an  incessant  firing  of 
cannon  and  musketry  from  their  whole  line.  His  Excellency, 
General  Washington,  Generals  Lincoln  and  Knox,  with  their  aids, 
having  dismounted,  were  standing  in  an  exposed  situation  waiting 
the  result.  Colonel  Cobb,*  one  of  Washington's  aids,  solicitous  for 
his  safety,  said  to  his  Excellency,  '  Sir,  you  are  too  much  exposed 
here,  had  you  not  better  step  a  little  back?'  'Colonel  Cobb,'  re 
plied  his  Excellency,  '  if  you  are  afraid,  you  have  liberty  to  step 
back.'  " 


*  David  Cobb,  afterwards  Major-General. 
IT 


1 62  Henry  Knox  h/si] 

In  general  orders,  issued  after  the  surrender  at 
Yorktown,  General  Washington  specially  compli 
mented  Knox  on  the  skill  and  efficiency  he  had 
displayed  in  the  handling  of  the  artillery;  and  he 
also  recommended  him  for  promotion.  Congress, 
however,  with  its  usual  tardiness,  did  not  act  upon 
Washington's  recommendation  until  the  following 
March,  when  (on  the  22d),  Knox  was  promoted  as 
major-general,  dating  from  the  I5th  of  November, 
1781.  General  Greene,  from  his  headquarters  "  at 
the  Round  O,"  December  10,  1781,  thus  congratu 
lated  his  good  friend  Knox  upon  the  Yorktown 
victory: 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — Your  favour  of  the  ist  November  has  just 
come  to  hand.  Whatever  sweet  things  may  be  said  of  me,  there  is 
not  less  said  of  you.  Colonel  Lee,  who  lately  returned  from  the 
Northern  army,  says  you  are  the  genius  of  it,  and  that  everything  is 
said  of  you  that  you  can  wish.  I  will  not  wound  your  delicacy  by 
repeating  his  remarks.  Your  success  in  Virginia  is  brilliant,  glori 
ous,  great  and  important.  The  Commander-in-chief's  head  is  all 
covered  with  laurels,  and  yours  so  shaded  with  them  that  one  can 
hardly  get  sight  of  it. 

"  I  long  to  be  with  you,  our  spirits  are  congenial  and  our  princi 
ples  and  sentiments  the  same.  A  long  distance  separates,  and  alas! 
I  fear,  with  you,  we  shall  not  have  a  happy  meeting  for  a  long  time 
to  come.  But  be  assured  my  esteem  and  affection  are  neither  less 
ened  by  time  nor  distance  ;  and  I  hope  at  some  future  day,  when  the 
cannon  shall  cease  to  roar,  and  the  olive-branch  appears,  we  shall 
experience  a  happy  meeting.  Your  great  success  in  Virginia  gives 
me  the  most  flattering  hopes  that  this  winter  will  terminate  the  war. 

"  P.S. — Don't  be  surprised  if  you  hear  I  attempt  the  siege  of 
Charleston  ;  nor  must  you  be  disappointed  greatly  should  we  fail." 


MAJOR-GENERAL   NATHANAEL  GREENE. 

FROM    THE    PAINTING    BY    COL.    JOHN    TRUMBULL. 


CHAPTER    VIII 

THE   END    OF   THE   WAR 

1782-1783 

jLTHOUGH  the  capture  of  Lord  Corn- 
wallis  and  his  army  virtually  ended 
the  war,  the  disbandment  of  the 
American  army  was  long  delayed 
thereafter.  The  preliminary  treaty 
of  peace  was  signed  on  the  3<Dth  of  November, 
1782.  But  negotiations  for  the  final  settlement  of 
questions  growing  out  of  the  long  war  dragged 
their  slow  length  along  for  nearly  one  year  more; 
and  during  the  two  years  that  intervened  between 
the  cessation  of  hostilities  and  the  conclusion  of  the 
treaty  of  peace,  it  was  necessary  that  the  army 
should  be  left  under  arms.  Those  were  sad  and 
gloomy  years  for  the  young  Republic,  notwithstand 
ing  hostilities  had  been  concluded  and  the  long 
struggle  for  independence  had  so  gloriously  come  to 
an  end.  Congress,  then  as  ever,  a  meddlesome  and 
dilatory  body,  failed  to  provide  funds  for  the  pay 
ment  of  an  army  whose  continued  existence  under 
arms  it  zealously  insisted  upon.  Of  course,  it  was 

163 


1 64  Henry  Knox  [1782- 

impossible  to  disband  the  army  in  the  presence  of 
an  enemy,  but  the  army — idle,  unemployed,  and 
left  to  brood  over  its  neglect  and  its  woes, — might 
become  a  danger  to  the  country  which  its  prowess 
had  just  delivered  from  the  oppressor. 

Meanwhile,  Washington  was  harrassed  by  in 
numerable  difficulties  arising  out  of  the  complicated 
situation.  The  British  military  authorities,  chafing 
under  their  defeat,  were  sullen,  unyielding,  and  re 
luctant  to  concede  even  the  smallest  advantage  to 
their  victorious  and  magnanimous  adversary.  The 
exchange  of  prisoners  which  should  have  naturally 
taken  place  without  friction,  early  in  the  truce  suc 
ceeding  the  Yorktown  surrender,  was  hampered  by 
many  intentional  obstacles  on  the  part  of  the  British. 
General  Knox  and  Gouverneur  Morris  were  ap 
pointed  commissioners  to  arrange  for  a  general  ex 
change  of  prisoners,  to  liquidate  the  expenses  of 
their  maintenance,  and  provide  for  their  subsistence 
as  long  as  they  should  be  legitimately  regarded  as 
the  charges  of  the  people.  One  civilian,  Andrew 
Elliot,  and  one  military  officer,  General  William 
Dalrymple,  were  appointed  to  meet  the  Americans. 
Knox  had  known  Dalrymple  in  Boston,  before  the 
outbreak  of  the  war,  when  that  officer  was  in  com 
mand  of  the  I4th  Regiment,  H.  B.  M.  Infantry,  and 
it  was  expected  that  the  acquaintance  might  facili 
tate  the  business  in  hand.  But  this  reasonable  ex 
pectation  was  not  realised.  Evidently  acting  under 
instructions,  the  British  commissioners  were  un 
yielding  in  their  demands  and  stubborn  in  their 
refusal  to  allow  concessions.  The  sessions  of  the 


The  End  of  the  War  165 

commission  were  held  in  Elizabethtown,  New  Jersey, 
and  Knox,  in  a  letter  to  Washington,  dated  at  Bask 
ing  Ridge,  April  21,  1782,  says:  "  We  have  at  last 
left  Elizabethtown.  Our  stay  there  was  unreason 
ably  protracted  by  frequent  references  to  New 
York,"  where  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  who  had  replaced 
Clinton,  was  in  command  of  the  British  forces. 
Knox  shrewdly  adds:  "  We  have  very  good  reason 
to  believe  that  all  the  important  propositions  made 
by  us  were  discussed  in  New  York  by  a  council  of 
general  officers.  .  .  .  Every  circumstance  we 
observed  tended  to  convince  us  that  we  never  shal'l 
obtain  justice  or  equal  treatment  from  the  enemy 
but  when  we  are  in  a  situation  to  demand  it."  The 
British  were  not  yet  able  to  regard  the  Americans 
in  any  other  character  than  that  of  rebels  against 
their  sovereign,  the  King. 

In  his  letter  acknowledging  receipt  of  the  report 
of  Knox  and  Morris,  Washington  wrote: 

"  I  should  do  injustice  to  my  own  feelings  on  this  occasion  if  I 
did  not  express  something  beyond  my  bare  approbation  of  the  at 
tention,  address,  and  ability  exhibited  by  you,  gentlemen,  in  the 
course  of  this  tedious  and  fruitless  negotiation.  The  want  of  suc 
ceeding  in  the  great  object  of  your  mission  does  not,  however,  lessen 
in  my  estimation  the  merit  which  is  due  to  the  unwearied  assiduity 
for  the  public  good,  and  the  benevolent  zeal  to  alleviate  the  distresses 
of  the  unfortunate,  which  seem  to  have  actuated  you  on  every  occa 
sion,  and  for  which,  I  entreat,  you  will  be  pleased  to  accept  my 
most  cordial  thanks." 

In  a  letter  from  Knox  to  Washington  giving  his 
reasons  for  the  failure  of  the  Elizabethtown  negoti 
ations,  he  refers  gratefully  to  his  recent  appointment 
as  major-general  on  Washington's  recommendation 


166  Henry  Knox  [1782- 

of  the  preceding  year,  after  the  Yorktown  victory, 
and  says:  "  I  cannot  express  how  deeply  I  am  im 
pressed  with  a  sense  of  your  kindness,  and  the 
favourable  point  of  view  in  which  you  have  regarded 
my  feeble  attempts  to  promote  the  service  of  my 
country.  I  shall  ever  retain,  my  dear  General,  a 
lively  sense  of  your  goodness  and  friendship,  and 
shall  be  happy  indeed  if  my  future  conduct  shall 
meet  with  your  approbation." 

It  was  not  without  difficulty  that  the  promotion 
of  Knox  to  be  a  major-general  was  finally  secured. 
The  friends  of  James  Clinton,  of  New  York,  and  of 
Moultrie,  of  South  Carolina,  and  Mclntosh,  of 
Georgia,  insisted  that  those  three  brigadiers  should 
be  promoted  at  the  same  time;  and  certain  mem 
bers  of  Congress,  strenuously  working  for  their 
favourites,  after  the  manner  of  Congressmen  in  all 
ages,  refused  to  vote  for  Knox  unless  each  of  the 
three  other  brigadiers  should  be  advanced  along 
with  him.  There  was  a  deadlock,  and  seven  result- 
less  ballotings  were  had,  before  some  patriotic 
member,  probably  neutral  in  the  Knox-Clinton- 
Moultrie-Mclntosh  complication,  suggested  that  the 
advice  of  General  Washington  be  sought.  The  wise 
General  advised  that  the  question  of  Knox's  pro 
motion  be  first  considered  by  itself;  and  he  took 
occasion  to  pay  a  strong  tribute  of  praise  of  Knox's 
abilities  and  his  services  to  his  country.  This 
counsel  prevailed,  and  Knox  was  confirmed,  March 
22,  1781,  his  commission  as  major-general  to  date 
from  November  15,  1781.  This  deserved  promo 
tion  gave  him  precedence  over  Duportail,  who  had 


i733]  The  End  of  the  War  167 

meanwhile  been  made  a  major-general,  but  whose 
commission  bore  a  later  date  than  that  of  Knox. 
The  three  aforementioned  brigadiers  were  also  pro 
moted  in  regular  order,  their  commissions  being 
antedated  by  Knox's.  Knox  might  well  cherish  a 
lively  sense  of  the  "  goodness  and  friendship  "  with 
which  Washington  had  attended  every  step  of  the 
military  career  which,  beginning  with  the  siege  of 
Boston,  was  now  so  near  its  close. 

From  this  time  forward,  Knox's  headquarters 
were  at  West  Point,  although  he  was  not  appointed 
to  the  command  of  that  post  until  the  following 
year.  The  American  army  celebrated  at  West 
Point,  on  the  first  day  of  June,  the  birth  of  that 
hapless  son  of  Louis  XVI.  who  was  known  as  the 
Dauphin.  True  to  their  affectionate  obligation  to 
France,  the  Americans  united  in  what  was  styled 
"  an  elegant  entertainment  "  in  honour  of  the  aus 
picious  event.  An  immense  bower  was  constructed 
on  the  plain  at  West  Point,  the  festivities  lasting 
through  the  day  and  evening;  they  were  concluded 
by  a  ball  at  which,  according  to  a  chronicle  of  the 
time,  "  His  Excellency  General  Washington  was 
unusually  cheerful.  He  attended  the  ball  in  the 
evening  and  with  a  dignified  and  graceful  air,  having 
Mrs.  Knox  for  his  partner,  carried  down  a  dance  of 
twenty  couple  in  the  arbor  on  the  green  grass." 

Knox,  having  reported  upon  the  condition  of  the 
fortifications  at  West  Point  and  its  inability  to  stand 
a  siege,  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  post, 
August  29,  1782;  and  he  set  himself  to  work,  with 
characteristic  energy,  to  complete  and  strengthen 


1 68  Henry  Knox  [1782- 

the  system  of  defences  already  planned.  In  his 
letter  of  instructions,  Washington,  who  was  well 
aware  of  Knox's  familiarity  with  the  exigencies  and 
needs  of  the  situation,  said:  "  I  have  so  thorough 
a  confidence  in  you,  and  so  well  acquainted  with 
your  abilities  and  activity,  that  I  think  it  needless 
to  point  out  to  you  the  great  outlines  of  your  duty. ' ' 
Early  in  1783,  when  the  discontent  of  the  army 
had  reached  its  height,  Washington,  writing  to 
Knox  at  West  Point,  says:  "  If  there  are  any  non 
commissioned  officers  or  soldiers  whose  mutinous 
dispositions  appear  to  arise  from  their  anxiety  to  be 
discharged  the  Army,  you  have  my  full  permission 
to  give  them  furloughs  for  any  length  of  time  they 
wish.  We  are  better  off  without  them  than  with 
them."  But  this  was  after  peace  had  been  assured, 
although  the  final  treaty  had  not  been  signed.  It 
was  during  the  cheerless  winter  of  1782-83  that  the 
murmurs  of  the  half-clad,  under-fed,  and  long- 
neglected  army  began  to  be  manifested  in  audible 
cries  for  immediate  redress  of  wrongs  and  slights. 
A  calm  and  eminently  dispassionate  statement  of 
the  grievances  of  the  men  and  officers  was  drawn  up 
in  December,  1783,  by  a  committee  of  general  offi 
cers  of  which  Knox  was  chairman ;  the  document, 
which  was  addressed  to  Congress,  after  stating  the 
amounts  due  to  the  army,  proposed  that  the  half- 
pay  for  life  that  had  been  granted  to  the  officers 
should  be  commuted  for  a  specific  sum,  and  that  the 
question  of  future  pensions,  arrears  of  pay,  and 
other  claims  of  the  rank  and  file  should  be  at  once 
adjusted.  The  memorial  was  taken  to  Congress  by 


1783]  The  End  of  the  War  169 

General  McDougall,  Colonel  John  Brooks,  and 
Colonel  Ogden.  Immediate  attention  was  given  to 
the  memorial,  and  at  one  time  it  was  thought  that 
matters  were  in  train  for  a  satisfactory  settlement  of 
all  existing  difficulties.  But  party  feeling  and  the 
besetting  sin  of  Congress — dilatoriness — blocked  the 
way;  nothing  practical  was  done. 

During  these  trying  times,  Knox  wrote  to  his 
steadfast  friend,  General  Lincoln,  of  Massachusetts, 
a  letter  which,  under  date  of  the  2Oth  of  December, 
1782,  gives  this  warning  note  of  impending  trouble: 

"  I  am,  and  I  believe  the  whole  army  are,  perfectly  in  sentiment 
with  you  respecting  a  commutation  of  half-pay.  The  accounts  up  to 
the  present  period  ought  to  be  settled  by  somebody.  The  State 
settlement,  for  the  reasons  you  have  given  must  be  preferable.  The 
expectations  of  the  army,  from  the  drummer  to  the  highest  officers, 
are  so  keen  for  some  pay,  that  I  shudder  at  the  idea  of  their  not 
receiving  it.  The  utmost  sufferance  upon  that  head  has  arrived. 
To  attempt  to  lengthen  it  will  undoubtedly  occasion  commotions. 
The  gentlemen  sent  with  the  address  have  been  unable  to  raise  the 
money  for  their  expenses,  until  yesterday.  The  army  will  have 
anxious  moments  until  they  shall  know  the  result." 

In  a  letter  written  to  Gouverneur  Morris,  two 
months  later,  Knox  gives  his  views  and  those  of 
the  army  upon  the  proposition  that  the  nation 
should  have  a  strong  government,  since  none  but  a 
strong  government  could  be  a  responsible  one.  It 
was  the  irresponsibility  of  the  mob  of  Congressmen 
which  the  army  had  reason  to  dread  and  distrust. 
Knox  says,  in  his  letter  to  Morris : 

"  The  army  generally  have  always  reprobated  the  idea  of  be 
ing  thirteen  armies.  Their  ardent  desires  have  been  to  be  one 


i/o  Henry  Knox  [1782- 

continental  body  looking  up  to  one  sovereign.  This  would  have 
prevented  much  heart-burning  at  the  partialities  which  have  been 
practised  by  the  respective  States.  They  know  of  no  way  of  bring 
ing  this  about,  at  a  period  when  peace  appears  to  be  in  full  view. 
Certain  it  is  they  are  good  patriots,  and  would  forward  any  thing 
that  would  tend  to  produce  union,  and  a  permanent  constitution  ; 
.  .  .  but  they  must  be  directed  in  the  mode  by  the  proper 
authority. 

"  It  is  a  favourite  toast  in  the  army,  '  A  hoop  to  the  barrel,'  or 
'Cement,  to  the  Union.'  America  will  have  fought  and  bled  to  little 
purpose  if  the  powers  of  government  shall  be  insufficient  to  preserve 
the  peace,  and  this  must  be  the  case  without  general  funds.  As  the 
present  Constitution  is  so  defective,  why  do  not  you  great  men  call 
the  people  together  and  tell  them  so  ;  that  is,  to  have  a  convention 
of  the  States  to  form  a  better  Constitution  ?  This  appears  to  us, 
who  have  a  superficial  view  only,  to  be  the  more  efficacious  remedy. 
Let  something  be  done  before  a  peace  takes  place,  or  we  shall  be  in 
a  worse  situation  than  we  were  at  the  commencement  of  the  war." 

General  McDougall  and  Colonel  Ogden  united  in 
a  report  of  their  doings  and  of  the  non-doings  of 
Congress,  all  of  which  gave  a  most  unsatisfactory 
view  of  the  situation  up  to  the  latter  part  of  Febru 
ary.  The  report  was  sent  to  General  Knox,  as 
chairman  of  the  committee  of  officers  who  had  pre 
pared  the  address  carried  by  the  three  commission 
ers.  Writing  from  West  Point,  February  21,  1783, 
Knox  replies  to  McDougall: 

"  I  received  the  report  signed  by  you  and  Colonel  Ogden,  copies 
of  which  have  been  distributed  to  the  different  parts  of  the  army. 
The  business,  instead  of  being  brought  to  a  close,  seems  more  re 
mote  from  a  decision  than  it  was  before  the  application  to  Congress. 
The  complex  system  of  government  operates  most  powerfully  in  the 
present  instance  against  the  army,  who  certainly  deserve  everything 
in  the  power  of  a  grateful  people  to  give. 

"  We  are  in  an  unhappy  predicament  indeed,  not  to  know  who  are 
responsible  to  us  for  a  settlement  of  accounts, 


1783]  The  End  of  the  War  171 

"  Posterity  will  hardly  believe  that  an  army  contended  incessantly 
for  eight  years  under  a  constant  pressure  of  misery  to  establish  the 
liberties  of  their  country,  without  knowing  who  were  to  compensate 
them  or  whether  they  were  ever  to  receive  any  reward  for  their 
services.  It  is  high  time  that  we  should,  now  we  have  a  prospect  of 
peace,  know  whether  the  respective  States  or  the  whole,  aggregately 
are  to  recognise  our  dues  and  to  place  them  upon  such  principles  as 
to  promise  some  future  benefit.  Much  has  been  said  about  the  influ 
ence  of  the  army  : — it  can  only  exist  in  one  point,  that  to  be  sure  is 
a  sharp  point,  which  I  hope  in  God  will  never  be  directed  but  against 
the  enemies  of  the  liberties  of  America. 

"  It  will  take  much  time  to  change  or  amend  the  present  form  of 
government  :  must  our  accounts,  therefore,  remain  unsettled  until 
this  shall  have  been  considered  and  decided  upon  ?  I  think  not. 

"  My  sentiments  are  exactly  these.  I  consider  the  reputation  of 
the  American  army  as  one  of  the  most  immaculate  things  on  earth, 
and  that  we  should  even  suffer  wrongs  and  injuries  to  the  utmost 
verge  of  toleration  rather  than  sully  it  in  the  least  degree.  But 
there  is  a  point  beyond  which  there  is  no  sufferance.  I  pray  sincerely 
we  may  not  pass  it.  I  have  not  taken  the  sense  of  the  army  upon 
your  report  ;  that  is,  I  have  not  called  any  number  of  officers  to 
gether  upon  this  subject,  because,  as  no  decision  has  been  made, 
nothing  they  can  say  will,  in  the  least,  forward  the  matter.  I  ard 
ently  wish  you  maybe  able  to  fix  the  rate  of  commutation,  and  have 
a  person  appointed  to  settle  the  accounts  of  the  army,  and  then  have 
a  reference  to  the  respective  States,  to  become  responsible  for  the 
sums  which  may  be  found  due  upon  both  principles  of  accounts  and 
commutation  of  half-pay. 

"You  will  readily  perceive  I  mean  this  as  a  private  letter,  nay, 
more,  a  confidential  one." 

Ten  days  later  Knox  writes:  "  The  army  are  im 
patiently  waiting  the  result  of  your  mission.  I 
earnestly  wish  it  may  produce  more  than  it  at 
present  seems  to  promise."  One  explanation  of 
the  dilatoriness  of  Congress  at  this  time  was  the  in 
difference  with  which  States  regarded  vacancies 
existing  in  their  delegations,  and  the  languor  with 


i?2  Henry  Knox  [1782- 

which  many  members  attended  upon  the  sessions 
of  the  body.  Alluding  to  this,  Knox,  in  his  letter 
to  McDougall  says:  "  It  is  enough  to  sicken  one  to 
observe  how  light  a  matter  many  States  make  of 
their  not  being  represented  in  Congress, — a  good 
proof  of  the  badness  of  the  present  Constitution." 

On  the  loth  of  March  appeared  in  camp  at  New- 
burgh  an  incendiary  document,  published  anony 
mously,  which  was  the  first  of  the  two  famous 

Newburgh  Addresses."  The  writer,  who  was 
afterwards  known  to  be  Major  John  Armstrong,  an 
aide-de-camp  on  the  staff  of  General  Gates,  discussed 
in  inflammatory  terms  the  condition  of  the  army 
and  the  wrongs  that  had  so  long  been  endured  by 
officers  and  men.  Referring  to  the  late  memorial 
to  Congress,  the  address  advised  that  this  should  be, 
rather,  a  last  remonstrance  before  quitting  the  serv 
ice  of  the  Republic  and  retiring  to  some  unsettled 
portion  of  the  country  where  the  army  might  mock 
when  fear  should  again  come  to  the  young  Republic. 
Accompanying  the  address  was  a  notice  calling  a 
meeting  of  the  general  and  field  officers,  a  commis 
sioned  officer  from  each  company  and  a  delegate 
from  the  medical  staff,  to  consider  the  inaction  of 
Congress  and  the  exigencies  of  the  situation. 

Washington  made  the  call  and  the  address  the 
subject  of  general  orders  issued  on  the  following 
day,  in  which  he  expressed  his  disapprobation  of 
"  such  disorderly  proceedings  "  ;  he  also  asked  that 
the  officers  of  the  army  should  meet  on  the  I5th  of 
March,  instead  of  on  the  nth,  the  day  set  in  the 
anonymous  call.  The  writer  of  the  first  address, 


1783]  The  End  of  the  War  173 

seeing  that  he  was  checkmated  by  Washington's 
calm  and  resolute  attitude  and  by  his  invitation,  at 
tempted  to  cover  his  retreat  by  a  second  address  in 
which  he  jauntily  assumed  that  the  Commander-in- 
chief  was  with  him  in  this  attempt  to  swerve  the 
army  from  its  allegiance  to  the  only  recognisable 
authority  in  the  Republic. 

But  when  the  meeting  took  place,  on  the  I5th  of 
March,  Washington  opened  the  proceedings  with  a 
dignified  and  forcible  address  in  which  he  suggested 
that  the  writer  of  the  anonymous  documents  could 
not  be  a  friend  to  the  country,  but,  rather,  an  in 
sidious  foe,  possibly  an  emissary  from  New  York, 
plotting  the  ruin  of  both  civil  and  military  power  of 
the  Republic  by  sowing  the  seeds  of  discord.  He 
counselled  faith  and  patience,  pointing  out  the 
fatuousness  of  the  proposed  secession  of  the  army 
and  urging  the  men  to  rise  superior  to  the  most 
complicated  sufferings. 

Washington's  good  sense  and  the  veneration  in 
which  he  was  held  carried  the  day.  When  he  had 
withdrawn  and  Gates,  as  the  senior  major-general 
present,  had  taken  the  chair,  Knox  moved  a  series 
of  resolutions  thanking  Washington  for  his  wise  and 
patriotic  course  and  expressing  unabated  attachment 
for  the  Commander-in-chief.  The  resolutions  also 
declared  the  unshaken  reliance  of  the  army  on  the 
good  faith  of  Congress  and  the  country,  and  a  deter 
mination  to  bear  with  patience  their  grievances 
until,  in  due  time,  they  should  be  redressed.  Con 
gress,  alarmed  by  these  significant  and  impressive 
proceedings,  once  more  took  up  the  subject  of  the 


i/4  Henry  Knox  [1782- 

army's  wrongs  and  agreed  to  grant  the  provisions 
asked  for  in  the  memorial.  While  the  commission 
ers  from  the  army  were  yet  in  Philadelphia,  urging 
upon  the  attention  of  Congress  the  imminence  of 
the  impending  crisis,  but  before  the  meeting  at 
which  Washington's  address  was  made,  Knox  wrote 
to  General  McDougall,  vehemently  imploring  him 
to  bring  before  the  dawdling  Congressmen  the  mag 
nitude  of  the  ills  which  their  inaction  invited.  He 
says:  "  Endeavour,  my  dear  friend,  once  more  to 
convince  the  obdurate  of  the  awful  evils  which  may 
arise  from  postponing  a  decision  on  the  subjects  of 
our  address." 

On  the  i6th  of  March,  after  the  crisis  at  Newburgh 
had  passed,  Knox  wrote  to  his  friend,  General  Ben 
jamin  Lincoln,  enclosing  a  transcript  of  the  proceed 
ings  of  the  meeting  of  the  I5th,  and  adding:  "  The 
occasion,  though  intended  for  opposite  purposes, 
has  been  one  of  the  happiest  circumstances  of  the 
war,  and  will  set  the  military  character  of  America 
in  a  high  point  of  view.  If  the  people  have  the 
most  latent  spark  of  gratitude,  this  generous  pro 
ceeding  of  the  army  must  call  it  forth.  For  these 
reasons,  I  think  the  proceedings  ought  to  be  pub 
lished.  Can  you  not  have  this  done  immediately  ? 
If  so,  forward  some  hundred  copies  to  the  army. 
The  General's  address  is  a  masterly  performance." 

It  was  about  this  time  that  Knox  conceived  the 
happy  idea  of  organising  a  society  to  perpetuate  the 
friendships  formed  by  the  officers  of  the  army  and 
to  provide  for  their  indigent  widows  and  surviving 
children ;  each  officer,  on  joining  the  society,  was 


The  End  of  the  War  175 

to  contribute  to'its  fund  one  month's  pay.  In  the 
Knox  Papers  is  to  be  found  a  document,  endorsed  in 
Knox's  handwriting,  '  Rough  draft  of  a  society  to 
be  formed  by  the  American  officers,  and  to  be  called 
the  Cincinnati."  The  paper  is  dated  "  West  Point, 
15  April,  1783."  The  preamble,  which  is  couched 
in  the  somewhat  inflated  language  of  the  time,  reads 
as  follows : 

"  Whereas  it  has  pleased  the  Supreme  Governor  of  the  Universe 
in  the  disposition  of  human  affairs,  to  cause  the  separation  of  the 
Colonies  of  North  America  from  the  domination  of  Great  Britain, 
and,  after  a  bloody  conflict  of  eight  years,  to  establish  them  free,  in 
dependent  and  sovereign  States  connected  by  alliances  founded  upon 
reciprocal  advantages  with  some  of  the  Great  Princes  and  Powers  of 
the  Earth — To  perpetuate  therefore  as  well  the  remembrance  of  this 
great  event  as  the  mutual  friendships  which  have  been  formed  under 
the  pressure  of  common  danger,,  and  in  numerous  instances  cemented 
by  the  blood  of  the  parties — The  officers  of  the  American  Army  do 
hereby  in  the  most  solemn  manner  associate,  constitute  and  combine 
themselves  into  one  Society  of  Friends,  to  endure  while  they  shall 
endure,  or  any  of  their  oldest  male  posterity  who  may  be  judged 
worthy  of  becoming  its  supporters  and  members." 

It  was  further  declared  that  as  "  these  officers 
were  originally  taken  from  the  citizens  of  America, 
with  high  veneration  for  the  character  of  the  illus 
trious  Quinctius  Cincinnatus,  and  being  resolved  to 
follow  his  example  by  returning  to  their  citizenship, 
they  think  they  may  with  propriety  denominate 
themselves  '  The  Cincinnati.'  !  Knox's  plan  was 
complete,  even  down  to  the  smallest  details  of  the 
society's  seal,  badge,  etc.  It  was  further  recom 
mended  that  the  Count  de  Rochambeau  be  asked 
to  furnish  the  names  of  such  foreign  officers  as  were 
eligible  to  election  to  membership  in  the  society. 


i/6  Henry  Knox  [1782- 

This  project  was  hailed  with  enthusiasm  by  officers 
of  the  army,  and  with  derision  and  contempt  by 
many  who  were  not  entitled  to  membership  in  the 
fraternity.  The  provision  to  make  the  society  self- 
perpetuating  by  the  election  of  eldest  sons  to  suc 
ceed  their  parents  was  greeted  with  the  most  acrid 
criticism.  This  clause,  it  was  urged,  was  intended 
to  create  a  new  order  of  nobility,  and  whereas  the 
law  of  primogeniture  had  always  been  highly  offen 
sive  to  every  true  son  of  liberty,  it  was  now  proposed 
to  link  the  illustrious  name  of  Washington  to  an  in 
sidious  attempt  to  set  up  such  a  method  of  regulat 
ing  succession  in  this  Republic.  Among  the  civilians 
who  scouted  the  project  were  the  two  Adamses, 
John  and  Samuel,  and  Benjamin  Franklin;  this 
venerable  cynic  assailed  the  scheme  with  his  own 
peculiar  sarcasm,  deriding  the  institution  in  every 
particular.  During  the  turmoil  caused  by  the  pub 
lication  of  Knox's  scheme,  that  redoubtable  general, 
not  in  the  least  dismayed  by  the  clamour,  wrote  to 
Washington  thus:  "  The  Cincinnati  appears,  how 
ever  groundlessly,  to  be  an  object  of  jealousy.  The 
idea  is  that  it  has  been  created  by  a  foreign  influ 
ence,  in  order  to  change  our  form  of  government." 

In  spite  of  this  wordy  and  unreasonable  opposi 
tion,  the  officers  of  the  army  went  forward  with  the 
formation  of  the  society,  an  eminently  practical  and 
patriotic  institution  whose  existence  unto  this  day 
testifies  to  its  vital  energy  and  to  the  wisdom  of  its 
founders,  whose  illustrious  example  still  serves  to 
keep  alive  the  fires  of  patriotism  that  burn  through 
out  the  great  Republic.  The  first  president  of  the 


The  End  of  the  War  177 


order  was  George  Washington  ;  its  first  secretary 
was  Henry  Knox,  who  became  vice-president  in 
1805.  Knox  was  also  chosen  vice-president  of  the 
Massachusetts  branch  of  the  society  in  1783. 

On  the  26th  of  August,  1783,  Knox  was  left  in 
command  of  the  army  with  instructions  from  Wash 
ington  to  proceed  with  the  difficult  and  delicate  duty 
of  disbanding  it.  Late  in  the  following  October 
(the  definitive  treaty  of  peace  having  arrived),  pre 
parations  for  a  popular  celebration  of  the  great 
event  were  begun;  but  Washington,  in  a  letter  to 
Knox,  dated  October  23d,  suggested  that  it  would 
be  better  to  omit  the  celebration  until  the  city  of 
New  York  should  be  evacuated  by  the  British,  when 
all  who  would  might  join  and  could  find  ample  ac 
commodations  in  that  city.  At  the  same  time, 
Washington  directed  Knox  to  be  prepared  for  an 
early  occupation  of  New  York  with  his  troops,  and 
requested  him  to  confer  with  Governor  Clinton,  of 
New  York,  as  to  the  necessary  arrangements  to  be 
made  for  entering  and  taking  possession.  Governor 
Clinton  was  ill  and  unable  to  take  any  part  in  the 
preliminary  arrangements,  and  Knox,  acting  upon 
the  instructions  received  from  the  Commander-in- 
chief,  wrote  to  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  asking  him  to  give 
him  (Knox)  five  or  six  days'  notice  of  the  embark 
ation  of  the  first  of  his  troops. 

On  the  1  2th  of  November,  Carleton  wrote  from 
New  York  to  Washington  and  to  Knox  announcing 
his  intention  of  "  relinquishing  the  posts  at  King's 
Bridge  and  as  far  as  McGowan's  Pass,  inclusive,  on 
this  island  on  the  2ist  instant;  to  resign  possession 


i/8  Henry  Knox  [1782- 

of  Herrick's  and  Hampstead  with  all  the  eastward 
to  Long  Island,  on  the  same  day;  and,  if  possible, 
to  give  up  this  city  with  Brooklyn  on  the  day  follow 
ing,  and  Paulus  Hook,  Denny's  and  Staten  Island 
as  soon  after  as  may  be  practicable."  The  British 
General  at  the  same  time  stipulated  that  in  case  any 
repairs  should  be  needed  by  his  ships,  before  sail 
ing,  "  free  and  uninterrupted  use  of  the  Ship  Yard  " 
should  be  had  for  that  purpose. 

On  the  25th  of  November,  1783,  the  British  finally 
and  definitively  evacuated  the  city.  On  the  same 
day,  Knox,  at  the  head  of  his  troops,  took  military 
possession.  But  this  was  a  military  precaution,  not 
a  formal  ceremony.  Having  disposed  such  guards 
as  were  necessary  to  preserve  order,  a  more  impos 
ing  ceremonial  was  observed.  A  contemporaneous 
account  says  * : 

"  The  British  army  evacuated  New  York,  and  the  American  troops, 
under  General  Knox,  took  possession  of  the  city.  Soon  after,  Gen 
eral  Washington  and  Governor  Clinton,  with  their  suite,  made  their 
public  entry  into  the  city  on  horseback,  followed  by  the  lieutenant- 
governor  and  the  members  of  the  council,  for  the  temporary  govern 
ment  of  the  southern  district,  four  abreast.  General  Knox  and  the 
officers  of  the  army,  eight  abreast ;  citizens  on  horseback,  eight 
abreast ;  the  speaker  of  the  assembly  and  citizens  on  foot,  eight 
abreast." 

The  final  act  of  the  military  drama  was  closed ; 
but  a  more  touching  and  affecting  scene  occurred 
on  Tuesday,  December  4th,  when  Washington  took 
final  leave  of  his  brothers  in  arms  at  Fraunce's  Tav 
ern.  The  occasion  when  these  men  who  had  suffered 

*  Thacher's  Military  Journal. 


o    8: 


i  i 
" 


1783]  The  End  of  the  War  1 79 

together  and  had  fought  for  many  years  parted  from 
each  other  and  from  their  beloved  commander,  was 
one  of  historic  impressiveness.  Washington  took 
no  pains  to  conceal  the  emotions  that  shook  his 
frame.  Raising  a  glass  of  wine,  he  said:  "  With  a 
heart  full  of  love  and  gratitude,  I  now  take  leave  of 
you.  I  most  devoutly  wish  that  your  latter  days 
may  be  as  prosperous  and  happy  as  your  former 
ones  have  been  glorious  and  honourable."  Having 
drank,  he  added,  "  I  cannot  come  to  each  of  you  to 
take  my  leave,  but  shall  be  obliged  to  you,  if  each 
of  you  will  come  and  take  me  by  the  hand."  WTith 
manly  tears  coursing  down  his  face,  Washington 
turned  to  Knox,  who  stood  nearest  him,  grasped  his 
hand  and  kissed  him  with  sincere  affection.  In  the 
same  manner  he  took  leave  of  each  succeeding 
officer.  The  simple  ceremonial  was  concluded  in 
solemn  silence,  not  a  word  being  spoken  to  inter 
rupt  the  gravity  of  the  scene.  When  all  was  done, 
the  great  commander  left  the  room,  walked  to 
Whitehall,  where  he  entered  a  barge,  and  so  was 
rowed  to  Paulus  Hook.  Having  embarked,  he 
turned  to  the  illustrious  company  on  the  water's 
edge,  took  off  his  hat  and  waved  a  last,  silent  fare 
well. 


CHAPTER   IX 


A   TRYING   INTERREGNUM 

1783-1/88 

N  his  return  to  West  Point,  after  the 
American  occupation  of  New  York 
had  been  formally  and  smoothly  con 
ducted,  Knox  was  given  an  official 
vote  of  thanks  for  the  attention  to 
the  rights  of  the  citizens  of  the  State  and  the  pre 
servation  of  peace  and  good  order  maintained  by 
General  Knox  and  his  associates  in  arms.  Governor 
Clinton,  in  transmitting  the  resolution  to  General 
Knox,  took  occasion  to  add  a  few  words  of  his  own, 
warmly  commending  the  services  of  the  army. 

The  West  Point  command  was  now  the  most  im 
portant  of  any  in  the  country;  not  only  was  the 
commanding  officer  charged  with  the  delicate  and 
responsible  duty  of  reducing  the  numerical  strength 
of  the  army  as  rapidly  as  was  practicable,  but  the 
defences  of  the  post  must  not  be  neglected,  arms 
and  military  equipments  were  to  be  collected  there, 
and  visits  to  the  outlying  posts  of  the  command 
were  frequently  necessary.  The  small  pay  of  a 

180 


1788]  A  Trying  Interregnum  181 

major-general  was  hardly  adequate  to  bear  the  ex 
penses  entailed  upon  commandant  of  the  post,  and 
Knox  accordingly  wrote  to  Washington,  reminding 
him  that  it  was  customary  to  make  a  special  allow 
ance  to  a  major-general  commanding  in  a  separate 
department ;  but  this  allowance  had  been  suspended 
before  Knox  was  assigned  to  the  post ;  and  he  beg 
ged  the  Commander-in-chief  to  communicate  the 
facts  to  Congress.  Knox  was  known  to  be  the  em 
bodiment  of  hospitality,  and  at  no  time  during  the 
war  did  he  find  the  emoluments  of  his  military  rank 
and  station  sufficient  to  meet  his  expenses. 

It  was  not  an  unusual  condition  of  things,  there 
fore,  that  surrounded  him  at  this  time,  when  he 
wrote :  '  That  the  unavoidable  expenses  arising 
from  the  command  of  this  post  and  its  dependencies 
have  greatly  exceeded  any  emoluments  of  office 
arising  from  my  rank  in  the  army;  and  that,  in 
order  to  support  my  station  with  some  propriety,  so 
as  not  to  reflect  disgrace  upon  the  public  rank  I  sus 
tain,  I  have  been  obliged  to  make  use  of  my  private 
resources  to  a  considerable  amount."  This  reason 
able  statement  was  approved  by  Congress,  and  the 
additional  allowance  permitted  under  such  circum 
stances  (ninety  dollars  per  month)  was  granted  him, 
the  extra  sum  being  included  in  his  allowance  dating 
from  September  I,  1782. 

There  was  much  private  and  public  discussion  now 
going  on  over  what  was  called  the  Peace  Establish 
ment.  Congress  was  disposed  to  be  economical  in 
making  any  military  dispositions  for  the  future. 
The  voluminous  correspondence  of  Washington  and 


1 82  Henry  Knox  Ms- 

Knox  contains  many  references  to  this  absorbing 
topic,  both  of  the  distinguished  writers  being  of  the 
opinion  that  the  hostile  attitude  of  the  Indians  on 
the  north-western  frontier,  and  the  mischief-making 
tactics  of  the  British  in  the  frontier  posts  would 
seem  to  require  the  maintenance  of  at  least  a  skele 
ton  army.  There  were  not  wanting  those  who  ad 
vocated  the  immediate  and  complete  disbandment 
of  the  entire  force,  leaving  not  one  man  to  mount 
guard  in  the  so-called  Peace  Establishment. 

One  scheme  for  the  defence  of  the  Western  frontier 
was  the  organisation  of  a  new  state  westward  of  the 
Ohio,  where  much  land  would  be  taken  up  by  offic 
ers  and  discharged  soldiers  under  the  land-warrants 
to  which  they  were  entitled  for  military  services. 
Writing  on  this  subject,  in  September,  1783,  Knox 
says  to  Washington:  "  I  am  daily  solicited  for  in 
formation  respecting  the  progress  of  the  officers' 
petition  for  a  new  State  westward  of  the  Ohio.  .  .  . 
Were  the  prayer  of  the  petition  to  be  granted,  the 
officers  in  a  very  few  years  would  make  the  finest 
settlement  on  the  frontiers,  and  form  a  strong  barrier 
against  the  barbarians." 

Knox's  active  mind,  ever  revolving  projects  for 
the  better  defence  of  his  country  and  for  the  en 
hancement  of  the  dignity  of  the  new  Republic,  was 
also  busy  with  schemes  for  the  efficient  maintenance 
of  so  much  of  an  army  as  might  be  allowed  under 
the  Peace  Establishment  policy  of  a  frugal  Congress. 
At  this  time,  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
not  having  been  adopted,  the  general  care  of  the 
army  was  vested  in  a  Secretary  at  War,  and  General 


1738]          A  Trying  Interregnum  183 

Benjamin  Lincoln  filled  the  office.  Lincoln  did  not 
desire  to  remain  in  office,  and  it  was  well  known 
that  Washington's  choice  for  his  successor,  if,  in 
deed,  a  successor  were  to  be  allowed,  was  the  well- 
beloved  Knox;  and  that  officer,  in  the  same  letter, 
from  which  quotation  has  just  been  made,  says: 

"  I  have  had  it  in  contemplation  for  a  long  time  past,  to  mention 
to  your  Excellency  the  idea  of  a  master  general  of  ordnance.  But 
I  hesitated,  and  finally  declined  it  in  my  last  opinion  to  you  upon  a 
Peace  Establishment,  lest  it  might  be  concluded  that  I  was  endea 
vouring  to  create  a  post  for  myself.  But  the  resignation  of  the  min 
ister  of  war  eventual  upon  the  definitive  treaty  of  peace,  and  his 
opinion  that  no  successor  will  be  appointed,  joined  to  the  necessity 
of  having  some  person  responsible  to  Congress,  seem  to  combine  to 
render  such  an  officer  peculiarly  necessary,  who  should  principally 
reside  near  Congress  to  execute  orders  as  they  thould  think  proper 
for  the  dignity  and  security  of  the  republic.  It  is  a  well-known  fact 
that  so  complex  and  extensive  a  business  as  the  formation  of  an 
ordnance  and  its  numerous  dependencies,  the  manufacture  of  small 
arms  and  accoutrements,  must  be  the  work  of  much  time,  and  can 
only  be  effectually  prepared  in  time  of  profound  peace." 

Knox  frankly  adds  that  his  own  desire  is  for  a 
private  life,  and  on  this  he  has  formed  his  plans  and 
expectations.  But  if  any  office  "  should  be  formed 
upon  the  broad  scale  of  national  policy,"  he  would 
give  the  plan  his  assistance  if  he  were  thought 
worthy. 

These  considerations,  then  so  novel,  and  to  many 
persons  so  unwelcome,  are  of  interest  to  us  when  we 
come  to  the  study  of  the  rise  and  growth  of  what 
are  now  known  as  the  executive  departments  of  the 
National  Government.  There  was  no  department  of 
the  navy ;  the  postal  service  was  so  inconsiderable 


184  Henry  Knox  [1783- 

that  its  chief  officer  was  a  functionary  of  humble 
rank ;  and  the  financial  interests  of  the  young  nation 
were  in  the  hands  of  a  so-called  Financier — an  officer 
unknown  to  the  present  generation,  and  then  held 
immediately  amenable  to  Congress. 

General  Lincoln's  resignation  was  offered  in  Octo 
ber,  1783,  and  Washington  wrote  to  Knox  as 
follows : 

"  ROCKY  HILL,  2d  Nov.  1783. 

"General  Lincoln's  resignation  has  been  offered,  and  accepted  by 
Congress.  ...  I  have  conversed  with  several  members  of  Con 
gress  upon  the  propriety,  in  time  of  peace,  of  uniting  the  offices  of 
Secretary  at  War  and  Master  of  Ordnance  in  one  person,  and  letting 
him  have  command  of  the  troops  in  the  Peace  Establishment,  not  as 
an  appendage  of  right, — for  that  I  think  would  be  wrong, — but  by 
separate  appointment  at  the  discretion  of  Congress.  Those  I  have 
spoken  to  on  the  subject  seem  to  approve  the  idea,  which,  if  adopted, 
would  make  a  handsome  appointment.  I  will  converse  with  others 
on  this  head,  and  let  you  know  the  result.  My  wish  to  serve  you  in 
it  you  need  not  doubt,  being  with  much  truth 

"  Your  most  affectionate 

"  GEORGE  WASHINGTON." 

There  was  considerable  correspondence  between 
Knox  and  Washington  on  this  subject,  and  in  a 
letter  dated  January  3,  1784,  Knox  informs  Wash 
ington  that  he  has  very  nearly  wound  up  his  military 
work  at  West  Point,  and  is  ready  to  leave.  Refer 
ring  once  more  to  the  familiar  topic,  he  says: 

"  I  believe  I  did  not  mention  to  your  Excellency  my  ideas  of  the 
pay  of  the  offices  that  might  be  associated  ;  viz.,  the  duties  of  Secre 
tary  at  War,  Master  of  Ordnance,  and  the  charge  or  command  of 
any  troops  that  might  be  retained  in  service.  It  appears  to  me,  and 
1  hope  that  I  fairly  estimate  the  expenses  and  trouble,  that  the  pay 


1738]  A  Trying  Interregnum  185 

and  emoluments  of  a  major-general  in  a  separate  department  free  of 
any  encumbrances  would  not  be  an  unreasonable  appointment. 
Should  Congress  think  proper  to  honour  me. with  an  offer  of  these 
offices  associated  together,  I  should  be  willing  to  accept  them  upon 
the  above  terms  ;  but  I  should  do  injustice  to  myself  and  family  to 
accept  of  any  employment  which  would  not  prevent  my  involving 
myself." 

This  question  of  compensation  for  the  discharge  of 
official  duties  in  the  much-talked-of  Peace  Establish 
ment,  as  we  shall  see,  was  continually  corning  up  at 
this  time,  and  under  the  Constitution,  to  vex  the 
souls  of  the  statesmen  of  the  period. 

Thus  Washington,  writing  to  Knox  from  Rocky 
Hill  under  date  of  October  23,  1783,  refers  to  the 
debates  in  Congress  on  the  Peace  Establishment, 
and  says : 

"  By  what  I  can  learn,  there  is  a  great  diversity  of  sentiment  among 
the  Members  of  Congress  respecting  the  Peace  Establishment ;  and 
that  great  opposition  will  be  given  to  the  measure  whenever  it  is 
brought  forward.  It  may  be  well,  therefore,  for  you  to  consider, 
whether  upon  the  footing  and  with  the  emoluments  agreed  upon  by 
the  Committee,  the  office  of  Secretary  at  War  (which  I  presume  will 
very  soon  be  acted  upon)  would  meet  your  views.  If  it  should,  and 
you  will  let  me  know  by  return  of  the  Post,  I  will  mention  your 
name  to  those  gentlemen  of  my  acquaintance  in  Congress  as  I  have 
already  done,  and  shall  be  happy  if  any  endeavours  of  mine  can  serve 
you.  Gen'l  Lincoln  is  of  opinion  that  a  capable  &  confidential  as 
sistant  may  be  had  for,  say  between  500  and  1000  dollars  ;  but  when 
to  this,  travelling  expenses,  wood,  paper,  candles,  &c.,  are  added, 
/  should  think  it  would  sink  pretty  deep  into  the  residue  ;  He  con 
ceives  otherwise,  unless  the  Secretary,  whoever  he  may  be,  chuses  to 
travel  with  a  retinue  &  incur  more  expenses  than  is  necessary." 

This  characteristically  Washingtonian  letter  is 
concluded  in  the  following  manner: 


1 86  Henry  Knox  [i/s3- 

"  My  best  wishes  attend  Mrs.  Knox,  and  I  am,  with  the  greatest 
truth  &  friendship, 

"  Dear  Sir,  Y'r  most  obed't  and 

"  affectionate  serv't 

"GEORGE  WASHINGTON." 

Later,  on  the  same  day,  Washington  writes  to 
Knox  to  say  that  he  has  now  learned  that  the 
salary  of  the  Secretary  of  War  is  to  be  $3500  per 
year,  the  Secretary  to  keep  a  clerk,  or  assistant,  and 
bear  all  incidental  expenses  of  travel,  wood,  lights, 
etc.,  and  to  visit  the  magazines,  military  stores, 
etc. 

Virtually,  there  was  now  almost  no  army,  but  the 
young  Republic  was  in  possession  of  a  large  supply 
of  arms,  ammunition,  and  military  stores  at  West 
Point  and  Pittsburgh;  for  the  care  of  these  no  ade 
quate  provision  had  been  made.  Knox's  work  was 
done  when  the  army  was  dissolved,  and  the  popular 
prejudice  against  the  maintenance  of  even  the  sem 
blance  of  a  military  establishment  prevented  the 
taking  of  any  steps  to  perpetuate  the  functions  of 
general  officers.  Writing  from  West  Point  to  the 
President  of  Congress,  January  3,  1784,  Knox  in 
forms  that  functionary  that,  under  the  directions  of 
the  Commander-in-chief,  several  lines  of  troops  have 
been  dissolved;  but  one  regiment,  commanded  by 
Brigadier-General  Henry  Jackson,  is  still  on  duty, 
together  with  120  men  in  the  artillery,  their  terms 
of  enlistment  not  having  expired.  As  there  were  at 
that  time  about  500  men  in  what  was  left  of  Jack 
son's  regiment,  the  standing  army  of  the  United 
States  then  consisted  of  less  than  700  men.  Of  this 


1788]          A  Trying  Interregnum  187 

force  Knox  reports  that  he  has  detached  some  to 
guard  the  military  stores  at  Springfield,  Mass.  ; 
others  are  ordered  to  duty  in  New  York,  under  the 
directon  of  Governor  Clinton,  and  still  others  are 
sent  to  Fort  Schuyler  and  the  lake  posts. 

Knox  then  enumerates  the  stores  of  arms  and 
munitions  of  war- deposited  at  West  Point,  and  in 
dulges  in  this  excusable  flight  of  patriotic  rhetoric: 
"  I  hope  it  will  not  be  thought  presumptuous  or  im 
pertinent  to  indulge  the  rapture  which  fills  my  mind 
upon  so  interesting  a  contrast,  so  honourable  and  so 
highly  flattering  to  my  country — especially  when  so 
great  a  part  of  the  cannon  are  trophies,  wrested  by 
the  hand  of  virtue  from  the  arm  outstretched  to 
oppress  it." 

Having  concluded  his  labours  at  West  Point, 
Knox  departed  for  Boston  to  await  the  develop 
ment  of  events.  He  took  up  his  residence  in  the 
ancient  village  of  Dorchester,  now  a  part  of  the 
modern  city.  Before  leaving  the  military  post  which 
he  had  filled  with  so  much  energy  and  ability,  he 
addressed  a  letter  to  Washington,  in  which  he  an 
nounces  his  intention  to  depart  for  New  England, 
having  sent  his  wife  and  family  before  him.  He 
concludes:  "  I  should  do  violence  to  the  dictates  of 
my  heart  were  I  to  suppress  its  sensations  of  affec 
tion  and  gratitude  to  you  for  the  innumerable  in 
stances  of  your  kindness  and  attention  to  me.  And, 
although  I  can  find  no  words  equal  to  their  warmth, 
I  may  venture  to  assert  that  they  will  remain  in 
delibly  fixed.  I  devoutly  pray  the  Supreme  Being 
to  continue  to  afford  you  his  especial  protection." 


i88  Henry  Knox  [1783- 

On  his  part,  Washington,  having  now  established 
himself  in  his  seat  at  Mount  Vernon,  wrote  with 
much  warmth  and  affection  to  his  old  companion  in 
arms,  and  congratulating  himself  on  the  calm  and 
tranquillity  of  his  present  station.  In  a  letter  dated 
at  Mount  Vernon,  February  20,  1784,  Washington, 
after  referring  to  past  events,  says  to  Knox : 

"  I  feel  now,  however,  as  I  conceive  a  wearied  traveller  must  do, 
who,  after  treacling  many  a  painful  step  with  a  heavy  burthen  on  his 
shoulders,  is  eased  of  the  latter,  having  reached  the  haven  to  which 
the  former  were  directed  ;  and  from  his  own  housetop  is  looking 
back,  and  tracing  with  an  eager  eye  the  meanders  by  which  he  es 
caped  the  quicksands  and  the  mines  which  lay  in  his  way  ;  and  into 
which  none  but  the  all-powerful  Guide  and  Dispenser  of  human 
events  could  have  prevented  his  falling." 

In  the  summer  of  this  year,  Knox  was  appointed 
by  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts  to  serve  on 
a  commission  to  treat  with  the  Penobscot  Indians 
and  induce  them  to  relinquish  a  part  of  their  lands 
on  the  Penobscot  River,  District  of  Maine,  that 
region  still  being  the  territory  of  Massachusetts. 
There  were  about  one  hundred  families  of  these 
people,  and  it  was  desired  that  they  move  up  the 
river,  ceding  to  the  State,  for  a  consideration,  so 
much  of  their  lands  as  lay  below  the  head  of  tide 
water.  After  a  speech  by  Knox  in  which  he  pre 
sented  the  white  man's  view  of  the  case  with  his 
customary  affability  and  force,  a  reply  was  made  by 
the  chief,  Orono,  whom  Knox  describes  as"  one  of 
the  old  chiefs,  half-Indian  and  half-French  of  the 
Castine  breed."  The  Baron  de  St.  Castine,  a 
soldier  of  fortune  who  established  himself  near  the 


1738]  A  Trying  Interregnum  189 

mouth  of  the  Penobscot,  early  in  the  seventeenth 
century,  gave  his  name  and  lineage  to  some  of  the 
aboriginal  tribesmen  of  the  region.  It  was  in  vain 
that  the  old  chief  pleaded,  "  The  Almighty  placed 
us  on  the  land,  and  it  is  ours."  The  white  man's 
imperious  necessities  prevailed  and  the  Penobscots 
retired  up  the  river. 

Knox  and  his  associates,  General  Lincoln  and  Mr. 
George  Partridge,  were  also  instructed  by  the  Gen 
eral  Court  to  examine  into  the  charge  that  the 
people  of  Nova  Scotia  had  trespassed  upon  Ameri 
can  territory,  and  to  settle  the  eastern  boundary 
line,  there  being  a  sharp  dispute  as  to  which  was 
the  true  river  St.  Croix,  designated  in  the  treaty  of 
peace  as  the  line  of  demarcation  between  Maine  and 
the  British  possession  on  the  east.  The  report  of 
the  commissioners  was  made  in  August,  but  it  was 
not  until  later  that  the  much-vexed  boundary  ques 
tion  was  finally  settled. 

During  these  and  later  years,  Knox  maintained  a 
regular  correspondence  with  the  foreign  officers  who 
had  aided  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  and  who, 
from  their  homes  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic, 
regarded  with  unabated  interest  the  gradual  develop 
ment  of  the  young  Republic  and  with  steadfast 
affection  their  American  companions  in  arms.  La 
fayette  appears  to  have  entertained  for  Knox  and 
Greene  an  almost  romantic  affection.  With  both 
of  them  he  kept  up  a  vigorous  and  intimate  corre 
spondence,  and  he  eventually  adopted  into  his  own 
family  the  son  of  General  Greene.  Writing  to 
Knox,  from  Paris,  in  January,  1784,  Lafayette  says: 


190  Henry  Knox  [1783- 

"  It  has  been  to  me  a  great  happiness  to  hear  from  you,  and  while 
we  are  separated,  I  beg  you  will  let  me  enjoy  it  as  often  as  possible. 
You  know  my  tender  affection  for  you,  my  dear  Knox,  is  engraved 
in  my  heart,  and  I  shall  keep  it  as  long  as  I  live.  From  the  begin 
ning  of  our  great  Revolution,  which  has  been  the  beginning  of  our 
acquaintance,  we  have  been  actuated  by  the  same  principles,  im 
pressed  with  the  same  ideas,  attached  to  the  same  friends,  and  have 
warmly  loved  and  confidentially  intrusted  each  other.  The  remem 
brance  of  all  this  is  dear  to  my  heart ;  and  from  every  motive  of 
tenderness  and  regard,  I  set  the  greater  value  by  the  happiness  of 
your  possession  as  a  bosom  friend.  I  have  been  much  employed  in 
rendering  America  what  service  I  could  in  the  affairs  of  her  com 
merce.  What  I  can  do  must  be  entirely  done  before  the  spring, 
when  I  intend  embarking  for  my  beloved  shores  of  Liberty.  My 
delays  in  Europe  are  owing  to  motives  of  American  public  service. 
.  .  .  Dunkirk,  L'Orient,  Bayonne,  and  Marseilles  have  been 
declared  free  ports  of  America." 

Lafayette's  plans  for  visiting  the  United  States 
were  finally  carried  out,  and  he  was  received  with 
great  enthusiasm  upon  these  shores.  In  October  of 
that  year,  he  went  to  Boston,  and  was  met  at  Water- 
town  by  a  large  party  of  officers  of  the  late  Revolu 
tionary  army,  headed  by  General  Knox,  and  the 
illustrious  company  sat  down  to  a  handsome  repast 
which  had  been  provided  for  the  occasion.  On  the 
following  day,  these  officers  waited  upon  Lafayette 
in  a  more  formal  manner,  presenting  to  him  an  ad 
dress  of  welcome  and  congratulation,  written  by 
Knox,  to  which  the  distinguished  visitor  made  a 
suitable  reply.  A  few  days  later,  the  citizens  of 
Boston  tendered  Lafayette  a  public  banquet  in 
historic  Faneuil  Hall ;  among  the  many  distinguished 
persons  present  were  seventy-five  officers  of  the  late 
Continental  army. 

Washington,  at  this  time,  was  living  at  Mount 


1738]          A  Trying  Interregnum  191 

Vernon  in  as  complete  seclusion  as  was  possible 
under  the  circumstances.  But  his  frequent  and 
intimate  letters  to  Knox  show  that  he  was  often  in 
undated  with  company  and  that  he  was  always  bur 
dened  with  a  vast  correspondence  growing  out  of  his 
long  service  at  the  head  of  the  military  affairs  of  the 
country.  In  a  letter  to  Knox,  dated  at  Mount 
Vernon,  January  5,  1785,  Washington  recites  some 
of  his  difficulties  and  burdens,  referring  especially  to 
his  correspondence,  which,  he  says,  "  would  require 
the  pen  of  a  historian  to  satisfy,"  so  numerous  were 
the  inquiries  proposed  to  him;  and  he  adds: 

"  This,  my  dear  sir,  is  a  friendly  communication.  I  give  it  in 
testimony  of  my  unreservedness  with  you  &  not  for  the  purpose  of 
discouraging  your  letters  ;  for,  be  assured  that,  to  correspond  with 
those  I  love  is  among  my  highest  gratifications,  and  I  persuade  my 
self  you  will  not  doubt  my  sincerity,  when  I  assure  you  I  place  you 
among  the  foremost  of  this  class.  Letters  of  friendship  require  no 
study,  the  communications  are  easy,  and  allowances  are  expected 
and  made." 

After  much  discussion,  Congress  decided  to  con 
tinue  the  office  of  Secretary  of  War,  combining  in 
the  duties  of  the  place  all  those  which  had  been 
before  specified  as  legitimately  belonging  to  separate 
offices.  The  salary,  out  of  which  the  incumbent 
was  to  provide  for  the  pay  of  a  clerk,  or  assistant, 
was  fixed  at  $2450,  and  on  the  8th  of  March,  1785, 
Congress  proceeded  to  elect  Knox  to  fill  the  office 
thus  continued.  It  will  be  noticed  that  the  settle 
ment  of  the  pay  and  emoluments  of  the  place  was 
in  the  nature  of  a  compromise,  the  sum  mentioned 
by  Washington  in  his  letter  to  Knox,  dated  October 
23»  1783,  being  reduced  to  $2450,  while  the  incidental 


i92  Henry  Knox  [1783- 

expenses  of  the  office,  on  which  so  much  stress  was 
laid  by  the  Commander-in-chief,  were  to  be  liquid 
ated  at  public  cost.  Knox  accepted  the  place, 
writing  to  Mr.  Charles  Thomson,  Secretary  of  Con 
gress,  to  say  that  he  hoped  to  have  leave  of  absence 
to  allow  him  to  settle  some  of  his  private  affairs. 
He  adds:  "  I  have  a  perfect  reliance  upon  a  candid 
interpretation  of  my  actions,  and  I  shall  hope  that 
application  to  business  and  propriety  of  intention, 
may  in  a  degree,  excuse  a  deficiency  of  talents." 

Still  residing  in  Boston,  Knox  wrote  to  Washing 
ton,  on  the  24th  of  March,  in  these  terms: 

"  You  may  probably  have  heard  that  Congress  have  been  pleased 
to  appoint  me  Secretary  at  War.  I  have  accepted  the  appointment, 
and  shall  expect  to  be  in  New  York  [then  the  seat  of  the  National 
Government]  about  the  I5th  of  next  month.  From  the  habits  im 
bibed  during  the  war,  and  from  the  opinion  of  my  friends  that  I 
should  make  but  an  indifferent  trader,  I  thought,  upon  mature  con 
sideration,  that  it  was  well  to  accept  it,  although  the  salary  would  be 
but  a  slender  support.  I  have  dependence  upon  an  unwieldy  estate 
of  Mrs.  Knox's  family,  and  upon  the  public  certificates  given  for  my 
services  ;  but  neither  of  these  is  productive,  and  require  a  course  of 
years  to  render  them  so.  In  the  meantime,  my  expenses  are  consid 
erable,  and  require  some  funds  for  their  supply.  Congress  have 
rendered  the  powers  and  duties  of  the  office  respectable  ;  and  the 
circumstances  of  my  appointment,  without  solicitation  on  my  part, 
were  flattering,  nine  States  out  of  eleven  voting  for  me.  I  do  not 
expect  to  move  my  family  to  New  York  until  June  next." 

Washington,  doubtless,  was  sincerely  gratified  by 
Knox's  appointment,  and  when,  some  time  later,  he 
wrote  to  the  newly  chosen  Secretary  to  congratulate 
him  on  his  advancement,  he  said,  "  Without  a  com 
pliment,  I  think  a  better  choice  could  not  have  been 
made." 


n88]  A  Trying  Interregnum  193 

A  period  of  political  chaos  and  confusion  now  in 
tervened,  and  the  small  powers  of  the  National 
Government  were  taxed  to  their  utmost  to  maintain 
for  itself  even  a  semblance  of  respect  from  the  in 
dividual  States.  Congress  was  frequently  obliged 
to  suspend  its  sessions  on  account  of  their  being  no 
quorum  present.  The  States,  jealous  of  each  other, 
were  united  only  in  their  dread  of  the  centralised 
government  which  they  thought  they  saw  emerging 
from  the  jarring  elements  that  composed  the  Con 
gress  of  Delegates.  The  western  counties  of  Penn 
sylvania  were  in  a  chronic  condition  of  unrest  and 
defiance  of  the  General  Government,  and  the  western 
counties  of  North  Carolina  set  up  an  independent 
government  which  was  styled  the  State  of  Frank- 
land ;  and  similar  claims  for  independent  statehood 
were  set  forth  by  that  part  of  Virginia  which  after 
wards  became  the  State  of  Kentucky.  The  people 
of  the  District  of  Maine  also  clamoured  for  a  sepa 
ration  from  Massachusetts  and  a  State  government 
of  their  own. 

The  most  acute  stage  of  these  internal  troubles 
was  reached  in  Massachusetts  when,  in  the  autumn 
of  1786,  a  party  of  malcontents,  headed  by  one 
Daniel  Shays,  formerly  a  captain  in  the  Continental 
army,  openly  took  the  field  against  all  constituted 
authority.  The  complaint  of  these  men  was  that 
the  taxes  were  oppressive,  that  the  rich  were  becom 
ing  richer,  and  the  poor,  poorer;  in  short,  their  ful- 
minations  were  almost  identical  with  those  of  the 
so-called  Populists  of  a  later  period  in  American 
history.  Knox,  writing  to  Washington  from  New 


194  Henry  Knox  [1783- 

York,  under  date  of  the  23d  of  October,  1786,  gives 
this  vivid  and  accurate  picture  of  the  commotion  in 
New  England : 

"  I  have  lately  been  far  eastward  of  Boston  on  private  business, 
and  was  no  sooner  returned  here  than  the  commotions  in  Massachu 
setts  hurried  me  back  to  Boston  on  a  public  account. 

"Our  political  machine,  composed  of  thirteen  independent  sov 
ereignties,  have  been  perpetually  operating  against  each  other  and 
against  the  federal  head  ever  since  the  peace.  The  powers  of  Con 
gress  are  totally  inadequate  to  preserve  the  balance  between  the 
respective  States,  and  oblige  them  to  do  those  things  which  are 
essential  for  their  own  welfare  or  for  the  general  good.  The  frame 
of  mind  in  the  local  legislatures  seems  to  be  exerted  to  prevent  the 
federal  constitution  from  having  any  good  effect.  The  machine 
works  inversely  to  the  public  good  in  all  its  parts :  not  only  is  State 
against  State,  and  all  against  the  federal  head,  but  the  States  within 
themselves  possess  the  name  only  without  having  the  essential  con 
comitant  of  government,  the  power  of  preserving  the  peace,  the  pro 
tection  of  the  liberty  and  property  of  the  citizens.  On  the  very  first 
impression  of  faction  and  licentiousness,  the  line  theoretic  govern 
ment  of  Massachusetts  has  given  way,  and  its  laws  are  trampled 
under  foot.  Men  at  a  distance,  who  have  admired  our  systems  of 
government  unfounded  in  nature,  are  apt  to  accuse  the  rulers,  and 
say  that  taxes  have  been  assessed  too  high  and  collected  too  rigidly. 
This  is  a  deception  equal  to  any  that  has  been  hitherto  entertained. 
That  taxes  may  be  the  ostensible  cause  is  true,  but  that  they  are  the 
true  cause  is  as  far  remote  from  truth  as  light  from  darkness.  The 
people  who  are  the  insurgents  have  never  paid  any  or  but  very  little 
taxes.  But  they  see  the  weakness  of  government  :  they  feel  at  once 
their  own  poverty  compared  with  the  opulent,  and  their  own  force, 
and  they  are  determined  to  make  use  of  the  latter  in  order  to  remedy 
the  former. 

"  Their  creed  is,  that  the  property  of  the  United  States  has  been 
protected  from  the  confiscations  of  Britain  by  the  joint  exertions  of 
all,  and  therefore  ought  to  be  the  common  property  of  all ;  and  he 
that  attempts  opposition  to  this  creed  is  an  enemy  to  equality  and 
justice,  and  ought  to  be  swept  from  the  face  of  the  earth.  In  a 
word,  they  are  determined  to  annihilate  all  debts  public  and  private, 


A  Trying  Interregnum  195 

and  have  agrarian  laws,  which  are  easily  effected  by  the  means  of 
unfunded  paper  money,  which  shall  be  a  tender  in  all  cases  whatever. 
The  numbers  of  these  people  may  amount,  in  Massachusetts,  to  one- 
fifth  part  of  several  populous  counties  ;  and  to  them  may  be  added 
the  people  of  similar  sentiments  from  the  States  of  Rhode  Island, 
Connecticut  and  New  Hampshire,  so  as  to  constitute  a  body  of  twelve 
or  fifteen  thousand  desperate  and  unprincipled  men.  They  are 
chiefly  of  the  young  and  active  part  of  the  community,  more  easily 
collected  than  kept  together  afterwards.  But  they  will  probably 
commit  overt  acts  of  treason,  which  will  compel  them  to  embody  for 
their  own  safety.  Once  embodied,  they  will  be  constrained  to  sub 
mit  to  discipline  for  the  same  reason. 

"  Having  proceeded  to  this  length,  for  which  they  are  now  ripe, 
we  shall  have  a  formidable  rebellion  against  reason,  the  principle  of 
all  government,  and  against  the  very  name  of  liberty. 

"This  dreadful  situation,  for  which  our  government  have  made 
no  adequate  provision,  has  alarmed  every  man  of  principle  and 
property  in  New  England.  They  start  as  from  a  dream,  and  ask 
what  can  have  been  the  cause  of  our  delusion  ?  What  is  to  give  us 
security  against  the  violence  of  lawless  men  ?  Our  government  must 
be  braced,  changed,  or  altered  to  secure  our  lives  and  property.  We 
imagined  that  the  mildness  of  our  government  and  the  wishes  of 
the  people  were  so  correspondent  that  we  were  not  as  other  nations, 
requiring  brutal  force  to  support  the  laws. 

"  But  we  find  that  we  are  men, — actual  men,  possessing  all  the 
turbulent  passions  belonging  to  that  animal,  and  that  we  must  have 
a  government  proper  and  adequate  for  him. 

"The  people  of  Massachusetts,  for  instance,  are  far  advanced  in 
this  doctrine,  and  the  men  of  property  and  the  men  of  station  and 
principle  there  are  determined  to  endeavour  to  establish  and  protect 
them  in  their  lawful  pursuits  ;  and  what  will  be  efficient  in  all  cases 
of  internal  commotions  or  foreign  invasions,  they  mean  that  liberty 
shall  form  the  basis, — liberty  resulting  from  an  equal  and  firm 
administration  of  law. 

"They  wish  for  a  general  government  of  unity,  as  they  see  that 
the  local  legislatures  must  naturally  and  necessarily  tend  to  retard 
the  general  government.  We  have  arrived  at  that  point  of  time  in 
which  we  are  forced  to  see  our  own  humiliation,  as  a  nation,  and 
that  a  progression  in  this  line  cannot  be  productive  of  happiness, 
private  or  public.  Something  is  wanting  and  something  must  be 


196  Henry  Knox  [1783- 

done,  or  we  shall  be  involved  in  all  the  horror  of  failure,  and  civil 
war  without  a  prospect  of  its  termination.  Every  friend  to  the  lib 
erty  of  his  country  is  bound  to  reflect,  and  step  forward  to  prevent 
the  dreadful  consequences  which  shall  result  from  a  government  of 
events.  Unless  this  is  done,  we  shall  be  liable  to  be  ruled  by  an 
arbitrary  and  capricious  armed  tyranny,  whose  word  and  will  must 
be  law. 

"  The  Indians  on  our  frontiers  are  giving  indisputable  evidence 
of  their  hostile  intentions.  Congress,  anxiously  desirous  of  meeting 
the  evils  on  the  frontiers,  have  unanimously  agreed  to  augment  the 
troops  now  in  service  to  a  legionary  corps  of  2,040  men.  This 
measure  is  important,  and  will  tend  to  strengthen  the  principles  of 
government,  if  necessary,  as  well  as  to  defend  the  frontiers.  I  men 
tion  the  idea  of  strengthening  government  as  confidential.  But  the 
State  of  Massachusetts  requires  the  greatest  asssistance,  and  Con 
gress  are  fully  impressed  with  the  importance  of  supporting  her  with 
great  exertion." 

The  legionary  troops  mentioned  in  this  letter  as 
likely  to  be  raised  under  the  authority  of  Congress, 
nominally  for  the  defence  of  the  north-western 
frontier,  were  not  needed  in  Massachusetts;  nor 
was  the  feeble  attempt  to  disguise  the  real  pur 
pose  of  this  move  successful.  The  insurgents 
marched  around  the  country,  threatening  the  courts 
and  defying  the  State  authorities.  An  attack  on 
the  United  States  arsenal  at  Springfield  was  medi 
tated,  and  Secretary  Knox  was  applied  to  by  the 
law-abiding  citizens  of  Massachusetts  to  permit  the 
use  of  the  national  arms  for  general  defence.  He 
replied  that  the  arms  could  be  taken  only  for  the 
defence  of  the  armory,  and  should  be  returned  as 
soon  as  danger  of  an  attack  was  passed.  The 
prompt  measures  of  Governor  Bowdoin,  and  of 
General  Lincoln,  then  commanding  the  State 
militia,  put  an  end  to  the  rebellion.  Lincoln 


A  Trying  Interregnum  197 

chased  the  insurgents  from  Springfield  to  Peter 
sham,  where  after  an  ineffectual  attempt  to  rally 
his  followers,  Shays  was  finally  compelled  to 
give  up  his  hare-brained  scheme,  and  his  little 
force  melted  away,  Shays  finding  it  convenient  to 
protest  that  he  never  meant  anything  serious  by 
his  demonstration. 

Great  was  the  relief  felt  throughout  the  country 
when  it  was  announced  that  the  Shays  rebellion 
had  finally  been  suppressed.  At  this  distance  of 
time,  when  the  affair  has  assumed  the  dimensions 
of  a  mere  incident,  generally  esteemed  of  light  ac 
count  to  the  State,  it  is  difficult  to  understand  the 
sense  of  depression  that  exercised  the  patriots  of 
those  days,  when,  pending  the  formation  of  a  strong 
and  respectable  central  government,  a  handful  of 
malcontents  actually  raised  the  standard  of  revolt 
and  defied  all  government.  No  man  was  more 
sensibly  lifted  from  this  state  of  depression  than 
Washington,  who  had  regarded  the  incident  with 
feelings  of  lively  apprehension.  Writing  to  Knox 
from  Mount  Vernon,  February  25,  1787,  Washing 
ton  expressed  his  gratitude  for  letters  keeping  him 
informed  concerning  the  progress  of  events  in  Mass 
achusetts  and  the  final  quelling  of  the  revolt.  Of 
Knox's  letters  he  says: 

"  They  were  indeed  exceedingly  satisfactory,  and  relieving  to  my 
mind,  which  had  been  filled  with  great  &  anxious  uneasiness  for  the 
issue  of  General  Lincoln's  operations  and  the  dignity  of  govern 
ment.  On  the  happy  termination  of  this  insurrection  I  sincerely 
congratulate  you  ;  hoping  that  good  may  result  from  the  cloud  of 
evils  which  threatened  not  only  the  hemisphere  of  Massachusetts, 
but,  by  spreading  its  baneful  influence,  the  tranquility  of  the  Union." 


19$  Henry  Knox  Ms- 

It  will  be  recollected  that  Knox,  writing  to 
Gouverneur  Morris,  in  February,  1783,  at  the  time 
when  the  imbecility  and  sluggishness  of  the  Con 
tinental  Congress  threatened  to  alienate  the  entire 
army,  argued  in  favour  of  a  convention  to  frame  a 
new  constitution.  "  As  the  present  Constitution  is 
so  defective,"  he  wrote,  "  why  do  not  you  great 
men  call  the  people  together  and  tell  them  so;  that 
is,  have  a  convention  of  the  States  to  form  a  better 
Constitution."  And  Alexander  Hamilton,  who  had 
before  this  advocated  a  national  convention  for  that 
very  purpose,  now  proposed  the  assembling  of  such 
a  convention  to  meet  in  Philadelphia  in  May,  1/87, 
"  to  take  into  consideration  the  situation  of  the 
United  States,  to  devise  such  further  provision  as 
shall  appear  to  them  necessary  to  render  the  Consti 
tution  adequate  to  the  exigencies  of  the  Union,  and 
to  report  such  an  act  for  that  purpose  to  the  United 
States  in  Congress  assembled,  as,  when  agreed  to  by 
them,  and  afterwards  confirmed  by  the  Legislature  of 
every  State,  will  effectually  provide  for  the  same." 
Hamilton's  proposition  was  offered  to  a  conven 
tion  which  had  assembled  at  Alexandria,  Virginia, 
for  a  purely  commercial  purpose — the  regulation  of 
the  navigation  of  the  Potomac  and  the  Chesapeake; 
but  it  took  shape  with  readiness  and  promise  of 
success.  Writing  to  his  old  friend,  General  Lincoln, 
February  14,  1787,  Knox,  after  congratulating  him 
on  the  efficiency  and  spirit  with  which  he  had 
quelled  the  Shays  rebellion,  says: 

"The  convention  proposed  by  the   commercial  convention  last 
September,  to  meet  in  Philadelphia  in  May  next,  engrosses  a  great 


A  Trying  Interregnum  199 

portion  of  the  attention  of  men  of  reflection.  Some  are  for  it,  and 
some  are  against  it  ;  but  the  preponderance  of  opinion  is  for  it. 
None  of  the  New  England  States  have  yet  chosen,  and  it  appears 
quite  problematical  whether  any  will  choose  unless  Massachusetts. 
The  convention  will  be  at  liberty  to  consider  more  diffusively  the 
defects  of  the  present  system  than  Congress  can,  who  are  the  execu 
tors  of  a  certain  system.  If  what  they  should  think  proper  to  pro 
pose,  after  mature  deliberation,  should  require  the  assent  of  the 
people  of  the  respective  States,  which  is  supposed  necessary  in  an 
original  compact,  the  convention  would  recommend  to  the  respective 
legislatures  to  call  State  conventions  for  the  sole  purpose  of  choosing 
delegates  to  represent  them  in  a  continental  convention,  in  order  to 
consider  and  finally  decide  on  a  general  constitution,  and  to  publish 
the  same  for  observance.  If  a  differently  constructed  republican 
government  should  be  the  object,  the  shortest  road  to  it  will  be  found 
in  the  convention.  I  hope,  therefore,  that  Massachusetts  will  choose, 
and  that  you,  Mr.  [Rufus]  King,  and  Mr.  [Stephen]  Higginson 
should  be  three  of  the  delegates." 

To  Mr.  Higginson,  Knox  wrote  about  the  same 
time  a  long  letter  to  the  same  purport,  in  which  he 
thus  shrewdly  outlined  the  work  of  the  proposed 
national  convention : 

"  Should  the  convention  agree  on  some  continental  constitution, 
and  propose  the  great  outlines,  either  through  Congress,  or  directly 
to  their  constituents,  the  respective  legislatures,  with  the  request 
that  State  conventions  might  be  assembled  for  the  sole  purpose  of 
choosing  delegates  to  a  continental  convention  in  order  to  consider 
and  decide  upon  a  general  government,  and  to  publish  it  for  general 
observance,  in  the  same  manner  as  Congress  formed  and  decided 
upon  the  articles  of  confederation  and  perpetual  union,  would  not 
this,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  be  a  government  derived  from  the 
people,  and  assented  to  by  them  as  much  as  they  assented  to  the 
confederation?  If  it  be  not  the  best  mode,  is  it  not  the  best  which 
is  practicable?  If  so,  one  would  conclude  that  it  ought  to  be 
embraced." 

During  this  formative  period,  Washington  ire- 
quested  the  opinions  of  several  of  his  intimate 


2OO 


Henry  Knox  [1783- 


friends  and  old  companions  relative  to  a  plan  of  a 
general  government.  Knox  wrote  a  modest  and 
manly  letter  in  which  he  advised  that  it  were 
"  prudent  to  form  the  plan  of  a  new  house  before 
we  pull  down  the  old  one  ";  and  he  proceeded  to 
write  of  a  plan  for  a  federal  government,  "  instead 
of  an  association  of  governments."  He  adds: 

"  Were  it  possible  to  effect  a  general  government  of  this  kind,  it 
might  he  constituted  of  an  Assembly,  or  Lower  House,  chosen  for 
one,  two,  or  three  years  ;  a  Senate,  chosen  for  five,  six,  or  seven 
years ;  and  the  executive,  under  the  title  of  Governor-General, 
chosen  by  the  Assembly  and  Senate  for  a  term  of  seven  years,  but 
liable  to  an  impeachment  by  the  Lower  House  and  triable  by  the 
Senate  ;  a  Judiciary,  to  be  appointed  by  the  Governor-General  during 
good  behaviour,  but  impeachable  by  the  Lower  House  and  triable  by 
the  Senate  ;  the  laws  passed  by  the  general  government  to  be  obeyed 
by  the  local  governments,  and,  if  necessary,  to  be  enforced  by  a 
body  of  armed  men,  to  be  kept  for  the  purposes  which  should  be 
designated  ;  all  national  objects  to  be  designed  and  executed  by  the 
general  government  without  any  reference  to  the  local  governments. 
This  rude  sketch  is  considered  as  the  government  of  the  least  possible 
powers  to  preserve  the  confederated  governments.  To  attempt  to 
establish  less  will  be  to  hazard  the  existence  of  republicanism,  and 
to  subject  us  either  to  a  division  of  the  European  powers,  or  to  a 
despotism  arising  from  high-handed  commotions." 

The  impartial  reader  cannot  fail  to  be  struck  by 
the  closeness  with  which  Knox's  crude  plan  for  a 
general  government  projects  the  lines  on  which  the 
Federal  Constitution  was  finally  moulded.  If  it 
varied  in  some  particulars,  it  is  not  for  us  to  say  that 
the  variance  was  not  better  for  the  country,  or  that 
some  of  the  ills  that  now  afflict  us  might  not  have 
been  avoided  by  a  closer  adherence  to  the  scheme 
so  aptly  sketched  by  this  master  mind  while  all 


A  Trying  Interregnum  201 

plans    for   a   general   government    were    as   yet    in 
mibibus. 

A  little  later  than  this,  Washington  wrote  to 
Knox  (the  Continental  convention  being  determined 
upon),  asking  his  friend's  advice  as  to  whether  he 
(Washington)  should  attend  that  convention.  In 
his  reply,  dated  at  New  York,  19  March,  1787, 
Knox  warmly  advises  his  old  chief  to  go  to  the 
convention.  He  says: 

"  I  imagine  that  your  own  satisfaction  or  chagrin,  and  that  of  your 
friends,  will  depend  entirely  upon  the  result  of  the  Convention.  For 
I  take  it  for  granted  that,  however  reluctantly  you  may  acquiesce,  you 
will  be  constrained  to  accept  the  president's  chair.  Hence  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  Convention  will  more  immediately  be  appropriated 
to  you  than  to  any  other  person.  ...  I  am  persuaded  that  your 
name  has  had  already  great  influence  to  induce  the  States  to  come 
into  the  measure  ;  that  your  attendance  will  be  grateful,  and  your 
non-attendance  chagrining  ;  that  your  presence  would  confer  on  the 
assembly  a  national  complexion,  and  that  it  would  more  than  any 
other  circumstance  induce  a  compliance  to  the  propositions  of  the 
Convention." 

The  Constitutional  Convention  met  in  Independ 
ence  Hall,  Philadelphia,  May  14,  1787,  with  George 
Washington,  a  delegate  from  Virginia,  in  the  chair 
of  presiding  officer.  Knox  was  overjoyed  at  the 
happy  turn  which  affairs  had  taken;  and,  writing  to 
Rufus  King,  one  of  the  Massachusetts  delegates,  on 
the  1 5th  of  July,  he  says:  "  I  am  happy  the  con 
vention  continue  together  without  agitating  the 
idea  of  adjournment.  If  their  attempts  should 
prove  inadequate  to  effect  capital  alterations,  yet 
experience  will  be  gained,  which  may  serve  import 
ant  purposes  on  another  occasion,"  The  doctrine 


202  Henry  Knox  [1783- 

of  State  Rights,  in  its  most  virulent  form,  had 
vexed  the  souls  of  other  patriots  than  Henry  Knox; 
and  the  sturdy  general,  accustomed  to  the  use  of 
vigorous  language  when  vigour  was  apparently 
needed,  indulged  in  this  burst  of  righteous  wrath. 
4  The  State  systems  are  the  accursed  thing  which 
will  prevent  our  being  a  nation.  The  democracy 
might  be  managed,  nay,  it  would  remedy  itself  after 
being  sufficiently  fermented  ;  but  the  vile  State  gov 
ernments  are  sources  of  pollution,  which  will  con 
taminate  the  American  name  perhaps  for  ages. 
Machines  that  must  produce  ill,  but  cannot  produce 
good,  smite  them  in  the  name  of  God  and  the 
people."  We  may  better  understand  the  vehem 
ence  of  Knox,  in  denouncing  the  State  governments 
of  his  time,  if  we  recall  the  fact  that  the  return  of 
the  power  originally  issuing  from  the  people  was 
then  being  demanded  by  them  individually,  and 
that  the  extreme  logic  of  this  sort  of  local  sovereignty 
was  accepted  by  the  States,  many  of  which  insisted 
that  the  confederation  was,  and  should  continue  to 
be,  a  voluntary  association  of  nations,  each  of  which 
was  virtually  independent  of  every  other. 

While  the  Constitutional  Convention  was  in 
session  in  Philadelphia  there  were  occasional  re 
cesses  of  that  august  body.  Washington  was  in 
vited  by  Knox  to  take  advantage  of  one  of  these 
adjournments  to  visit  New  York  and  meet  some  of 
his  old  friends  with  whom  he  had  been  associated 
during  the  war.  Replying  to  this  invitation,  Wash 
ington  takes  occasion  also  to  offer  to  the  Knox 
family  his  condolences  on  the  loss  which  they  had 


A  Trying  Interregnum  203 

lately  sustained  by  the  death  of  one  of  their  children. 
Referring  to  the  proposed  visit  to  New  York,  he  says : 

"  I  should  have  had  great  pleasure  in  a  visit  to  New  York  during 
the  adjournment  of  the  Convention  ;  but,  not  foreseeing  the  precise 
period  at  which  it  would  take  place,  or  the  length  of  it ;  I  had, 
previously  thereto,  put  my  carriage  into  the  hands  of  a  workman  to 
repair,  and  had  not  the  means  of  going.  I  condole  very  sincerely 
with  Mrs.  Knox  and  yourself  on  your  late  misfortune  ;  but  am  sure, 
however  severe  the  trial,  each  of  you  have  fortitude  to  meet  it.  Na 
ture,  no  doubt,  must  feel  severely  before  calm  resignation  can  over 
come  it.  I  offer  my  best  respects  to  Mrs.  Knox,  and  every  good 
wish  for  the  family — With  great  regard  and  unfeigned  aff'n, 
"  I  am  yours, 

"  GEORGE  WASHINGTON." 

On  the  i ;th  of  September,  1787,  the  Federal  Con 
stitution,  finally  agreed  upon  by  the  convention  sit 
ting  in  Philadelphia,  was  signed  by  the  delegates, 
three  only  (from  Virginia  and  Massachusetts)  with 
holding  their  signatures.  The  instrument  was  now 
submitted  to  Congress,  and  that  body  submitted  it 
to  the  States,  its  ratification  by  nine  of  said  States 
being  necessary  to  give  it  vitality.  The  story  of  the 
devices  and  the  arguments  needed  to  reach  the  de 
sired  end  in  the  several  States  cannot  be  told  here. 
But,  in  passing,  we  may  take  note  of  the  discussion 
that  at  once  arose  among  the  people  when  they 
began  to  scrutinise  the  new  Constitution  in  all  its 
bearings  upon  the  problem  of  future  government. 
General  Knox,  in  a  letter  to  Lafayette,  dated  Octo 
ber  24,  1787,  gives  a  very  good  view  of  the  attitude 
of  the  public  mind  at  that  time.  Prefacing  his 
statement  with  the  remark  that  that  attitude  is  one 
of  "  anxious  attention,"  he  says: 


204  Henry  Knox  [1753- 

"  The  discussions  are  commenced  in  the  newspapers  and  pam 
phlets,  with  all  the  freedom  and  liberty  which  characterise  a  people 
who  are  searching,  by  their  own  experience,  after  a  form  of  govern 
ment  most  productive  of  happiness.  .  .  .  The  transition  from 
wishing  an  event,  to  believing  that  it  will  happen,  is  easy  indeed.  I 
therefore  am  led  to  a  strong  persuasion  that  the  proposed  govern 
ment  will  be  generally  or  universally  adopted  in  the  course  of  twelve 
or  fifteen  months." 

Knox  did  not,  in  this  instance,  exhibit  that  over- 
sanguine  disposition  with  which  his  friends  had 
usually  credited  him.  The  ninth  State  to  ratify  the 
new  Constitution  was  New  Hampshire,  and  that 
event  occurred  on  the  2ist  of  June,  1788,  only  eight 
months  after  Knox  had  written  to  Lafayette  that 
the  desired  result  would  be  reached  in  twelve  or 
fifteen  months. 

Knox  was  naturally  interested  in  the  contest 
going  on  in  his  own  State  of  Massachusetts  over 
the  proposition  to  ratify  the  Constitution,  and  in  a 
letter  to  Washington,  dated  at  New  York,  January 
14,  1/88,  he  summed  up  the  situation  in  Massachu 
setts  very  admirably  and  in  concise  terms.  He  said 
that  there  were  three  parties  in  the  State:  the  first 
being  made  up  of  men  engaged  in  commercial  pur 
suits,  to  whom  were  added  the  clergy,  the  lawyers, 
the  judiciary,  and  the  officers  of  the  late  army; 
the  strength  of  this  party  he  estimated  at  three- 
sevenths  of  the  entire  population.  This  party,  he 
said,  was  "  for  the  most  vigorous  government." 
The  second  party  was  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  State 
and  in  the  District  of  Maine;  the  members  of  this 
party  were  hoping  for  the  erection  of  their  section 
into  a  new  State,  and  they  were  waiting  to  see  if 


A  Trying  Interregnum  205 

the  new  Constitution  would  facilitate,  or  hinder, 
their  great  project.  Their  faction  was  about  two- 
sevenths  of  the  whole  population.  The  third  party 
was  made  up  of  "  the  insurgents  and  their  favourers, 
the  great  majority  of  whom  are  for  an  annihilation 
of  debts,  public  and  private,  and  therefore  cannot 
approve  the  new  Constitution.  This  party  may 
not  be  less  than  two-sevenths  of  the  State."  He 
predicted  that  the  first  and  second  parties  would 
unite  and  that  the  Constitution  would  be  adopted, 
notwithstanding  the  bitter  opposition  of  Samuel 
Adams. 

Massachusetts  ratified  the  Constitution  on  Febru 
ary  6th,  and  one  element  of  the  strength  of  the 
Federalists  in  the  Convention  was  the  adhesion 
of  John  Hancock,  who,  after  much  coquetry  and 
elusion  on  his  part,  finally  gave  his  support  to  the 
cause.  A  letter  from  Rufus  King  to  General  Knox, 
written  a  few  days  before  the  final  vote  in  conven 
tion,  gives  a  clue  to  the  motives  that  induced  Han 
cock  to  pledge  himself  at  that  late  hour.  After 
announcing  that  Hancock  had  committed  himself, 
King  says: 

"  The  final  question  will  probably  be  taken  in  five  or  six  days. 
You  will  be  astonished,  when  you  see  the  list  of  names,  that  such  a 
union  of  men  has  taken  place  on  this  question.  Hancock  will  here 
after  receive  the  universal  support  of  Bowdoin's  friends,  and  we  tell 
him  that  if  Virginia  does  not  unite,  which  is  problematical,  that  he 
is  considered  as  the  only  fair  candidate  for  President. 

Hancock's  vanity  was  flattered  by  the  prospect 
thus  held  out  to  him  by  the  artful  friends  of  the 
Constitution,  But  Virginia,  then  holding  off  its 


206  Henry  Knox  [1783- 

ratification  of  the  great  instrument,  finally  did  ratify, 
and  George  Washington,  rather  than  John  Hancock, 
became  "  the  only  fair  candidate  for  President." 

In  a  letter  written  to  Lafayette,  in  April  of  that 
year,  Knox,  after  reciting  the  history  of  the  adop 
tion  of  the  Constitution,  up  to  that  date,  expresses 
himself  in  such  vigorous  and  energetic  language  as 
he  was  wont  to  employ  when  writing  to  an  intimate 
friend  concerning  any  matter  in  which  he  was  deeply 
interested.  He  says:  "As  to  Rhode  Island,  no 
little  State  of  Greece  ever  exhibited  greater  turpi 
tude  than  she  does.  Paper  money  and  Tender  Law 
engross  her  attention  entirely ;  this  is,  in  other  words, 
plundering  the  orphan  and  widow  by  virtue  of  laws." 

Passing  to  matters  of  more  immediate  personal 
interest,  to  Lafayette  Knox  says: 

"  Mrs.  Greene  [widow  of  General  Xathanael  Greene]  and  her  little 
family  you  so  kindly  inquire  after,  are  seated  at  \Vethersfield,  in 
.  Connecticut,  under  the  auspices  of  our  friend,  Colonel  \Vadsworth. 
Mrs.  Greene  is  most  honourably  and  industriously  employed  in  the 
education  of  her  children.  Colonel  Wadsworth  is  anxious  George 
should  be  sent  to  France,  to  which  Mrs.  Greene  consents.  It  is 
possible  the  young  gentleman  may  be  addressed  to  your  care  in  the 
course  of  one  or  two  packets  hence." 

About  the  middle  of  the  following  month,  Knox 
again  wrote  to  Lafayette  notifying  him  that  the  lad, 
whose  full  name  was  George  Washington  Greene, 
had  been  sent  to  Paris  in  charge  of "  Mr.  Barlow,  of 
Connecticut,  author  of  the  poem  entitled  the  '  Vis 
ion  of  Columbus,'  "  a  gentleman  whom  he  specially 
recommended  to  the  kindness  of  the  distinguished 
Frenchman.  As  for  young  George,  his  friend  and 


A  Trying  Interregnum  207 

guardian  suggested  to  Lafayette,  who  was  now  to 
have  charge  of  his  education,  that  "  The  classics 
and  modern  languages,  as  being  the  work  of  memory, 
will  probably  constitute  his  first  studies,  together 
with  learning  the  necessary  personal  exercises  to 
form  his  manners.  Mathematics,  geography,  as 
tronomy,  and  the  art  of  drawing  will  follow,  of 
course."  Knox  further  says  that  the  lad's  disposi 
tion  is  good  and  that,  with  proper  education,  he 
promises  to  be  "  an  honour  to  the  memory  of  his 
father,  and  the  pride  of  his  mother  and  other 
friends."  The  "  Mr.  Barlow,  of  Connecticut," 
mentioned  in  this  letter,  it  is  hardly  necessary  to 
explain,  was  the  redoubtable  Joel  Barlow,  whose 
ponderous  epic,  "The  Columbiad,"  and  rnock- 
heroic  poem,  "The  Hasty  Pudding,"  were  the 
pride  of  our  forefathers. 

One  year  later  than  this,  Knox  wrote  the  follow 
ing  wise  and  affectionate  letter  to  the  son  of  his 
dear  old  friend : 

"  MY  DEAR  WASHINGTON  : 

"The  only  news  we  have  had  of  you  is  from  M.  St.  John  de 
Crevecceur's  son,  who  is  in  your  academy.  His  report  of  you,  on  a 
very  short  acquaintance,  is  much  in  your  favour. 

"  I  flatter  myself  that  you  will  most  industriously  make  yourself 
master  of  the  several  objects  that  shall  be  assigned  to  you. 

"  You  will  recollect  that  you  are  the  son  of  General  Greene,  who, 
by  the  force  of  his  own  talents,  became  so  dear  and  so  important  to 
his  country  ;  that  you  are  to  qualify  yourself  to  support  his  name 
and  to  become  the  protector  of  your  family. 

"  You  will  entertain  the  most  respectful  affection  for  the  Marquis 
de  la  Fayette  and  implicitly  obey  all  his  directions, — propriety,  grat 
itude,  and  a  regard  for  your  own  happiness  require  the  most  per 
fect  attention  to  this  hint. 


208  Henry  Knox  [1783- 

"  As  I  beg  leave  to  consider  myself  in  the  light  of  your  dearest 
friend,  I  shall  hope  to  receive  letters  from  you  occasionally  and  that 
you  will  make  me  the  channel  of  communication  to  your  other  friends. 
"  Your  honoured  mother  has  gone  to  Charleston,  South  Carolina, 
at  which  place  she  arrived  safely  in  the  month  of  May  last.      Previ 
ously  to  her  departure,  she  placed  your  sister  at  Bethlehem,  in  Penn 
sylvania,  for  her  education.     Your  brother  Nathanael  is  at  Lebanon, 
in  Connecticut,  under  the  care  of  Colonel  \Vadsworth. 
"  I  am,  my  dear  Washington, 

"  Your  affectionate  friend, 

"II.  KNOX." 

Knox  had  a  paternal  interest  in  the  lad's  prosper 
ity  and  progress  as  this  admirable  letter  shows. 
When  young  Greene  had  sailed  for  France,  Knox 
wrote  to  Washington  (who  also  had  a  lively  interest 
in  the  lad's  career)  to  inform  him  of  the  departure 
of  the  ship  bearing  the  youngster  and  his  fortunes 
to  Europe.  He  added  :  It  is  proposed  that  he  re 
turn  in  about  six  years.  Indeed,  this  will  be  long 
enough,  lest  he  should  receive  habits  inconsistent 
with  those  necessary  to  be  practised  in  this  country. 
He  is  a  lively  boy,  and  with  a  good  education,  he 
will  probably  be  an  honour  to  the  name  of  his  father, 
and  the  pride  of  his  friends." 

But  alas  for  the  vanity  of  human  expectations! 
Young  Greene  remained  in  France  until  the  great 
upheaval  that  overthrew  the  throne  of  the  Bour 
bons  and  set  up  the  Reign  of  Terror.  Returning 
to  the  United  States,  in  1794,  at  the  earnest  solicit 
ation  of  his  mother,  he  joined  her  at  Savannah,  and 
was  accidentally  drowned  in  the  Savannah  River  not 
long  after  his  arrival,  thus  ending  a  career  which, 
under  the  affectionate  direction  of  Washington, 


1788]          A  Trying  Interregnum  209 

Lafayette,    and    Knox,    promised  so  much  for  his 
family  and  for  his  country. 

Lafayette  also  had  a  son  named  for  Washington 
—  George  Washington  Lafayette.  During  the 
troublous  times  of  the  French  Revolution,  the 
family  of  Lafayette  were  proscribed,  and  the  young 
man,  aided  by  some  of  his  American  friends  in  Paris, 
escaped  on  board  a  vessel  bound  to  America. 
Reaching  Boston  in  September,  1795,  he  promptly 
reported  to  General  Knox,  whose  house  appears  to 
have  been  the  refuge  of  many  a  distressed  foreigner. 
Knox  wrote  to  Washington:  "  The  son  of  M.  de 
Lafayette  is  here,  accompanied  by  an  amiable 
Frenchman  as  tutor.  Young  Lafayette  goes  by 
the  name  of  Motier,  concealing  his  real  name,  lest 
some  injury  should  arise  to  his  mother,  or  to  a 
young  Mr.  Russell,  of  this  town,  now  in  France, 
who  assisted  in  his  escape.  Your  namesake  is  a 
lovely  young  man,  of  excellent  morals  and  con 
duct."  In  due  course  of  time,  the  youngster  was 
sent  by  Knox  to  Mount  Vernon,  and  his  name  is 
not  further  mentioned  in  the  Knox  memoirs. 

Knox's  letters  contain  many  examples  of  the 
friendly  and  confiding  manner  with  which  he  always 
addressed  his  more  intimate  friends.  Thus,  to 
select  almost  at  random  one  of  these  pleasant  com 
munications,  a  letter  written  to  the  Rev.  David  Mc- 
Clure,  one  of  his  old-time  playmates,  and  later  the 
pastor  of  a  parish  in  Connecticut,  he  says: 

"  Our  situations,  however,  have  been  widely  different.  You  have 
been  deeply  exploring  the  natural  and  moral  world,  in  order  to  im 
press  on  the  minds  of  your  fellow-mortals  their  relative  connection 


210 


Henry  Knox 


[1788] 


with  the  great  scale  of  intelligent  being  :  leading  them  by  all  the 
powers  of  persuasion  to  happiness  and  humble  adoration  of  the  Su 
preme  Head  of  the  universe  ;  while  I  have  been  too  much  entangled 
with  the  little  things  of  a  little  globe.  But,  as  it  is  part  of  my  belief 
that  we  are  responsible  only  for  the  light  we  possess,  I  hope  we  have 
both  acted  our  parts  in  such  a  manner  as  that  a  reflection  on  the 
past  will  give  us  more  pleasure  than  pain,  and  that  we  shall  possess 
a  well-grounded  hope  of  a  happy  immortality." 


CHAPTER  X 

IN  WASHINGTON'S  ADMINISTRATION 
1789-1794 

HE  momentous  events  of  the  adoption 
of  the  Constitution,  the  election  of 
the  first  President,  the  formation  of 
the  new  Government,  and  the  selec 
tion  of  the  seat  of  that  Government 
were  accomplished  without  disorder  but  not  without 
much  debate  and  some  confusion.  The  adoption  of 
the  Constitution,  attended  as  it  was  with  acrimonious 
discussion,  gave  occasion  for  the  organisation  of  two 
distinct  parties— Federalists  and  Anti-Federalists. 
In  the  course  of  time,  those  who  were  opposed  to 
the  new  Constitution,  or  to  some  of  its  provisions, 
found  it  expedient  to  adopt  a  more  individual  title 
than  Anti-Federalist;  but  as  the  chief  "  plank  "  of 
their  political  platform  was  that  which  separated 
them  from  the  supporters  of  the  new  scheme  of 
fundamental  law,  they  were  still  proud  to  be  known 
as  opponents  of  "  the  Gilded  Trap,"  as  some  of 
them  called  the  Constitution. 

Knox,  as  we  have  seen,  was  a  furious  Federalist, 

211 


212  Henry  Knox  [1789- 

and  when  President  Washington  formed  his  Cabinet, 
it  was  natural  that  the  man  who  was  his  first  and 
only  choice  for  Secretary  of  War  under  the  elder 
dispensation  of  the  Confederation  should  be  gladly 
invited  to  continue  in  that  office  under  the  Constitu 
tional  Government  of  the  Republic.  The  Cabinet 
was  so  framed  as  to  preserve  a  judicious  balance  be 
tween  the  two  parties.  Hamilton,  another  ardent 
Federalist,  was  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
Jefferson,  an  Anti-Federalist,  then  on  his  way  home 
from  France,  was  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs, 
as  his  office  was  then  styled.  Congress  had  author 
ised  only  three  executive  departments,  but  an  At 
torney  General  was  imperatively  needed  for  the 
guidance  of  the  Chief  Magistrate  and  his  Cabinet 
in  matters  of  law,  and  Edmund  Randolph,  of 
Virginia,  who  had  refused  to  vote  for  the  adoption 
of  the  Constitution,  was  appointed  to  that  post. 
The  postal  service  of  the  new  Republic  was  weak 
and  feeble,  and  the  office  of  Postmaster-General 
was  considered  of  so  little  importance  that  Samuel 
Osgood,  of  Massachusetts,  who  discharged  the  sim 
ple  duties  of  that  office,  was  not  regarded  as  a 
member  of  the  Cabinet. 

The  powers  and  functions  of  the  War  Department 
were  important,  though  the  army  of  the  United 
States  at  that  time  did  not  number  more  than  seven 
hundred  men.  There  were  at  least  the  beginnings 
of  a  navy,  and  the  management  of  that  branch  of 
the  public  service  was  lodged  in  the  hands  of  the 
Secretary  of  War.  He  also  was  charged  with  the 
care  of  Indian  affairs  and  with  the  distribution  of 


MAJOR-GENERAL  HENRY  KNOX. 

FROM    THE    PAINTING    BY    EDWARD   SAVAGE. 


1794]      Washington's  Administration     213 

the  so-called  bounty  lands  among  the  soldiers  who 
were  entitled  thereto. 

Under  the  Confederation  the  Secretary  of  War 
was  entrusted  with  large  executive  powers  in  mili 
tary  matters,  and  it  may  be  understood  that  the 
first  President  assumed  that  those  powers  were  con 
tinued  under  the  Constitution.  But  a  conflict  very 
soon  arose  between  Knox  and  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  neither  of  whom  was  disposed  to  minimise 
the  importance  of  his  office.  Secretary  Hamilton 
thought  that  the  purchase  of  military  stores  and 
supplies  was  one  of  the  functions  of  the  Treasury 
Department.  Secretary  Knox  differed  with  him, 
insisting  that  the  War  Department  should  not  only 
control  the  distribution  but  the  purchase  of  these 
materials  for  military  purposes.  Hamilton  per 
suaded  Congress  to  enact  a  law  authorising  his  de 
partment  to  purchase  all  supplies  for  the  use  of  the 
War  Department  in  all  of  its  branches.  This 
anomalous  condition  of  affairs,  with  some  changes, 
continued  until  1/99,  when  repeated  untoward  in 
cidents  provoked  Congress  to  rescind  the  action  by 
which  the  Treasury  Department  was  charged  with 
the  duty  of  purveying  for  the  War  Department,  and 
that  responsibility  was  laid  upon  the  Secretary  of 
War,  where  it  has  ever  since  remained,  nominally  if 
not  in  fact. 

Knox  was  a  persistent  advocate  of  a  national 
militia  system,  and  the  plans  which  he  had  sub 
mitted  to  Congress,  during  the  war  of  the  Revolu 
tion,  were  revised  and  urged  by  him  as  Secretary  of 
War  during  his  first  year  in  office.  Those  plans 


214  Henry  Knox  [1789- 

contemplated  what  was  known  as  the  legionary 
formation  ir>  which  all  citizens  of  the  United  States 
between  the  ages  of  eighteen  and  sixty  years 
were  to  be  enrolled.  The  legions  were  to  be  sub 
divided  into  three  classes — "  the  Advanced  Corps," 
"  the  Main  Corps,"  and  the  "  Reserves."  Each 
subdivision  was  to  consist  of  2880  non-commissioned 
officers  and  privates  and  153  commissioned  officers; 
each  legion  being  commanded  by  a  major-general. 
To  the  average  American  citizen  this  system  seemed 
drastic  and  costly.  There  was  also  abroad,  both 
during  and  after  the  prosecution  of  the  war  for  in 
dependence,  a  dread  of  a  standing  army,  to  which 
an  institution  like  a  national  militia  appeared  to  be 
a  plausible  introduction.  General  Benjamin  Lin 
coln,  of  Massachusetts,  Knox's  lifelong  and  well- 
beloved  friend,  while  he  cordially  approved  of 
Knox's  scheme,  warned  him  that  it  would  be  un 
popular.  Massachusetts,  he  was  confident,  would 
not  adopt  it.  He  wrote  to  say  this  emphatically  to 
the  Secretary,  and  he  explained :  ' '  The  expense, 
pay  of  officers,  no  pay  of  men,  the  burden  on  mas 
ters,  calling  on  the  youth  indiscriminately,  dis- 
franchisement  for  a  time  in  certain  cases,  officers 
excluded  from  actual  service,  subjection  to  a  draft 
for  a  service  of  three  years,  etc.,  will  be  magnified 
here  and  damn  the  bill."  The  bill,  accordingly, 
was  damned,  notwithstanding  it  had  the  support  of 
Washington,  who  favoured  it  with  frankness  if  not 
with  active  zeal.  A  plan  embodying  less  energy  and 
less  burdensomeness  was  subsequently  adopted  by 
Congress. 


1794]      Washington's  Administration    215 

Knox,  like  many  another  later  statesman,  "  took 
care  of  his  friends."  General  Lincoln  had  fallen 
upon  evil  times,  and,  in  a  pathetic  letter  to  Knox, 
he  had  explained  his  financial  embarrassments, 
which  were  then  so  common  among  the  patriotic 
men  who  had  spent  years  of  unprofitable  service  in 
the  Revolutionary  army,  and  asking  his  friend's  aid 
in  securing  for  him  the  office  of  United  States  Mar 
shal  for  Massachusetts.  We  may  suppose  that 
Knox's  efforts  brought  Lincoln  a  better  place,  that 
of  Collector  of  the  Customs.  In  a  letter  from  Knox 
to  Lincoln,  dated  August,  1790,  the  Secretary  said: 
"  Although  I  do  not  conceive  the  office  of  Collector 
of  the  Port  of  Boston  adequate  to  the  merits  of  my 
friend,  yet,  as  it  is  the  best  thing  that  can  be  offered 
at  present,  I  sincerely  congratulate  you  on  the 
appointment." 

Subsequently,  when  Congress  authorised  the  build 
ing  of  six  frigates,  the  work  of  supervising  the 
construction  of  the  Constitution,  laid  down  at  Bos 
ton,  was  entrusted  to  Knox's  old  friend,  Colonel 
Harry  Jackson,  who  was  Navy  Agent  at  that  port. 

Knox  considered  it  his  duty,  as  it  undoubtedly 
was  his  pleasure,  to  maintain  his  social  standing  and 
office  with  all  the  state  that  was  attainable  at  that 
time.  His  establishment  was  costly,  if  we  regard 
costs  from  the  point  of  view  of  an  official  with  a 
meagre  salary.  In  his  papers  is  to  be  found  a  memo 
randum  giving  an  estimate  of  his  annual  expenses 
about  this  time.  This  curious  document,  which  is 
headed  "  Knox,  Mrs.  Knox,  his  brother  William, 
four  or  five  children,  two  female  servants,  one  girl 


216  Henry  Knox  [1789- 

without  wages,  and  two  German  boys,  indented  ser 
vants,"  may  give  some  idea  of  the  scale  and  cost  of 
living  in  those  days.  The  family  food  is  estimated  to 
cost  one  pound,  "  York  currency,"  per  day.  The 
house  rent,  stable,  and  taxes  are  put  in  at  two  hun 
dred  and  fifteen  pounds  a  year.  The  item  of  wine 
is  set  down  at  one  hundred  pounds  a  year,  and  there 
is  a  charge  of  twenty-four  extra  dinners  per  year,  at 
five  pounds  each.  "  Clothing  for  self  and  family  " 
is  set  down  at  one  hundred  pounds,  and  the  next 
largest  item  is  for  "  Contingencies,  including  chari 
ties,  subscriptions,  etc.,"  for  which  eighty  pounds 
are  set  apart. 

The  Knox  family  first  established  their  home  in 
New  York  in  the  house  of  "  Lady  Anne  Poettnitz," 
and  there  is  extant  a  lease  between  the  Secretary  of 
War  and  Stephen  Sayre,  agent  of  said  Lady  Anne, 
of  premises  "  situated  in  the  bowery  lane."  Later 
in  their  residence  at  the  temporary  capital  the  family 
lived  in  a  house  on  Broadway.  Knox  kept  two 
horses,  and  the  rent  of  a  stable,  wages  of  groom, 
and  so  on,  were  no  inconsiderable  item  of  his  ex 
penditures.  His  salary  at  that  time  was  .£980  per 
annum;  his  total  expenses  were  .£1314  16^.,  leaving 
a  deficit  balance  of  £334  ibs.  on  the  wrong  side  of 
the  ledger.  In  the  careful  and  neat  penmanship  of 
Secretary  Knox  is  still  preserved  an  annual  state 
ment  of  the  total  expenses  of  the  War  Department, 
which  in  these  later  and  more  extravagant  times, 
seem  ludicrously  small.  Thus,  in  the  statement  for 
the  year  1793,  the  total  annual  expenses  of  the 
department  are  set  down  at  §7550,  of  which  the 


1794]      Washington's  Administration     217 

Secretary's  salary,  $3000,  is  the  largest  item;  the 
other  salaries  are  $500,  each,  except  that  of  Frederick 
Sprigg,  messenger,  who  is  given  one-half  that 
amount  for  his  annual  stipend.  At  an  earlier 
period,  when  Knox  was  first  inducted  into  office 
under  the  Constitution,  five  persons  drew  pay  in 
the  department,  and  the  total  sum  paid  on  account 
of  salaries,  including  the  salary  of  the  Secretary, 
was  about  nine  hundred  dollars  per  quarter. 

Some  of  the  smaller  incidental  expenses  that  are 
set  down  in  the  accounts  of  the  Secretary,  while 
living  in  New  York,  give  us  a  notion  of  the  customs 
and  fashions  of  the  time.  Mrs.  Knox's  dresses  are 
duly  charged  in  the  accounts,  but  are  not  described 
in  so  minute  a  manner  as  to  interest  the  women  of 
these  days.  There  is  a  receipted  bill  to  Knox  of 
one  Anthony  Latour,  hair-dresser,  for  three  months' 
hair-dressing  at  twenty  shillings  per  month,  and  in 
the  same  account  is  a  charge  of  two  yards  of  ribbon 
for  the  tying  of  the  Secretary's  queue,  and  two 
pounds  of  powder  for  the  decoration  of  his  chevelure. 
Later  in  the  same  year,  Latour  gives  place  to  J.  M. 
Land,  who  charges  ninepence  for  each  hair-dressing, 
and  who  brings  in  a  bill  for  one  pot  of  pomatum  and 
four  pounds  of  powder  consumed  in  the  ornamenting 
of  the  Secretary's  hair. 

The  hair-dressing  fashions  of  the  time  were  ex 
travagant  in  some  respects,  but  the  ladies  evidently 
bore  off  the  palm,  as  they  do  now,  for  elaborateness. 
Dr.  Manasseh  Cutler,  the  agent  of  the  Ohio  Land 
Company  of  Massachusetts,  an  organisation  in  which 
Knox  was  a  stockholder,  sets  down  in  his  journal  an 


218  Henry  Knox  [1789- 

account  of  his  dining  at  the  house  of  Secretary 
Knox,  on  which  occasion  several  notables  were 
present.  The  repast,  he  says,  was  "  served  in  high 
style,  much  to  the  French  taste,"  perhaps  out  of 
compliment  to  the  Marquis  Lotbiniere,  who  was  one 
of  the  guests.  Mrs.  Knox,  he  says,  was  "  very 
gross,"  meaning  large  in  person;  but  her  manners, 
he  adds,  were  easy  and  agreeable.  Her  manner  of 
dressing  her  hair,  which  was  very  likely  the  work  of 
Monsieur  Anthony  Latour  excites  the  worthy  Doc 
tor's  attention  and  disgust.  He  says: 

"  She  seems  to  mimic  the  military  style,  which  to  me  is  very  dis 
gusting  in  a  female.  Her  hair  in  front  is  craped  at  least  a  foot 
high,  much  in  the  form  of  a  churn  bottom  upward,  and  topped 
off  with  a  wire  skeleton  in  the  same  form,  covered  with  black 
gauze,  which  hangs  in  streamers  down  her  back.  Her  hair  be 
hind  is  a  large  braid,  and  confined  with  a  monstrous  crooked 
comb." 

If  we  were  dependent  upon  Dr.  Cutler's  account 
alone  for  this  glimpse  of  the  strange  fashions  of 
that  time,  we  might  suppose  Mrs.  Knox  to  have 
been  the  only  "  female"  who  dressed  her  hair  in 
this  preposterous  style.  But  art  has  handed  down  to 
us  the  portraits  of  numerous  women  of  fashion  who, 
in  those  far-off  days,  employed  an  expert  hair 
dresser  to  build  just  such  fantastic  structures  upon 
their  heads. 

General  Knox  and  his  wife  were  both  conspicuous 
in  court  society  at  this  time,  partly  on  account  of 
their  generous  size,  and  partly  on  account  of  their 
official  station.  It  is  said  that  Mrs.  Washington 
rather  shrank  from  the  discharge  of  such  public 


1794]      Washington's  Administration     219 

social  duties  as  would  naturally  devolve  upon  "  the 
first  lady  of  the  land,"  and  that  Mrs.  Knox  was  by 
no  means  averse  to  taking  the  lead  in  all  semi 
official  matters.  John  Adams's  married  daughter, 
Mrs.  William  S.  Smith,  who  visited  New  York 
during  the  residence  there  of  the  Knox  family, 
wrote  thus  to  her  mother:  "  General  and  Mrs. 
Knox  have  been  very  attentive  to  us.  Mrs.  Knox 
is  much  altered  from  the  character  she  used  to  have. 
She  is  neat  in  her  dress,  attentive  to  her  family,  and 
very  fond  of  her  children.  But  her  size  is  enormous : 
I  am  frightened  when  I  look  at  her;  I  verily  believe 
that  her  waist  is  as  large  as  three  of  yours  at  least. 
The  general  is  not  half  so  fat  as  he  was."  Knox's 
weight  at  this  time  was  about  two  hundred  and 
eighty  pounds,  and  his  height  was  a  trifle  over  six 
feet. 

In  his  Tke  Republican  Court,  Rufus  W.  Griswold 
says  that  Mrs.  Knox  had  been  one  of  the  heroines 
of  the  Revolution  and  that  she  was  nearly  as  well 
known  in  the  camp  as  her  husband.  Of  her  position 
in  New  York  at  the  time  of  which  we  are  writing, 
Griswold  says: 

"  She  and  her  husband  were,  perhaps,  the  largest  couple  in 
the  city,  and  both  were  favourites,  he  for  really  brilliant  convers 
ation  and  unfailing  good  humour,  and  she  as  a  lively  and  meddle 
some  but  amiable  leader  of  society,  without  whose  co-operation 
it  was  believed  by  many  besides  herself  that  nothing  could  be 
properly  done  in  the  drawing-room  or  the  ball-room,  or  any  place 
indeed  where  fashionable  men  and  women  sought  enjoyment." 

In  New  York,  as  elsewhere,  Knox  proffered  a  gen 
erous  and  elegant  hospitality  that  far  exceeded  in 


220  Henry  Knox  [1789- 

cost  the  moderate  estimate  he  made  for  it  in  the 
memorandum  above  quoted.  Dr.  Manasseh  Cutler 
says  in  his  diary  that  he  dined  at  Knox's  table  with 
forty-four  other  gentlemen,  and  that  the  entertain 
ment  "  was  in  the  style  of  a  prince."  Baron  Steu- 
ben  was  one  of  the  guests,  and  every  gentleman  at 
the  table,  except  the  diarist,  was  a  member  of  the 
Society  of  the  Cincinnati,  and  each  wore  his  appro 
priate  badge. 

But  the  active  temperament  of  Knox  did  not 
waste  his  energies  in  social  functions,  however 
gracious  a  figure  he  may  have  been  in  these  during 
his  term  of  office.  The  watchful  eyes  of  the  Anti- 
Federalists  were  upon  every  movement  of  the 
political  leaders  of  the  Administration,  and  every 
semblance  of  the  assumption  of  regal  airs  and  man 
ners  was  eagerly  pounced  upon  by  these  carping 
critics  as  evidence  of  the  ambitious  and  soaring  aims 
of  Washington  and  his  associates  in  the  Federal 
Government.  The  relations  of  the  President  to  the 
Congress,  the  style  of  addressing  the  Chief  Magis 
trate,  and  the  rules  of  etiquette  which  should  regu 
late  the  intercourse  of  President  and  Cabinet  with 
the  Congress  were  all  matters  of  deep  concern ; 
before  they  were  settled,  the  heartburnings  and  the 
bitterness  engendered  on  both  sides  were  exceed 
ingly  trying  to  the  temper  of  moderate  and  large- 
minded  men. 

Thus  the  verbal  communications  of  the  President 
to  the  Senate  were  for  a  long  time  subject  to  the 
sharpest  criticism  from  the  men  who  were  watchful 
for  invasions  of  their  prerogatives  and  powers.  That 


1794]      Washington's  Administration     221 

staunch  old  Anti-Federalist  Senator  from  Pennsyl 
vania,  William  Maclay,  has  left  on  record  in  his 
journals  many  lively  pictures  of  tilts  between  the 
Executive  and  the  Senate  during  this  formative 
period,  when  the  machinery  of  the  Republic  was 
slowly  "  finding  itself"  and  settling  to  its  work. 
Washington  read  his  messages  in  person,  and  when 
matters  of  importance  were  to  be  brought  before  the 
Senate  by  the  Executive,  the  President  drove  down 
to  the  temporary  capitol  and  discoursed  to  that 
body,  accompanied  by  such  members  of  his  Cabinet 
as  were  immediately  and  officially  interested  in  the 
propositions  to  be  presented.  As  may  be  readily 
supposed,  these  visits  were  anticipated  by  the  mem 
bers  of  the  opposition  with  suspicion  and  aversion. 
Secretary  Knox  was  actively  engaged  in  promoting 
the  negotiation  of  treaties  of  amity  between  the 
Federal  Government  and  the  Indian  tribes,  then 
slowly  coming  into  the  relationship  of  wards  of  the 
young  nation.  On  one  occasion,  when  President 
Washington  sought  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
Senate  concerning  one  of  these  treaties,  he  went  to 
the  Senate  by  appointment,  taking  the  Secretary  of 
War  with  him.  The  appearance  of  Knox  seems 
to  have  excited  the  ire  of  the  Anti-Federalists,  one 
of  whom,  Maclay,  says  that  it  was  apparent  that 
Washington  wished  "  to  tread  on  the  necks  of  the 
Senate,"  and  that  "  he  sat  there,  with  his  Secretary 
of  War,  to  support  his  opinions  and  overawe  the 
timid  and  neutral  part  of  the  Senate."  Up  to  that 
time,  no  member  of  the  Cabinet  had  made  an  oral 
communication  to  either  branch  of  Congress,  but 


222  Henry  Knox  .  [1789- 

Knox,  in  answer  to  a  question  from  a  Senator,  who 
desired  to  know  when  General  Lincoln  could  be 
brought  thither,  answered  '  Not  till  Saturday 
next."  Maclay  italicises  this  four- word  reply;  and, 
so  far  as  history  has  recorded  the  doings  of  those 
days,  this  was  the  first,  last,  and  only  time  when  a 
member  of  the  Cabinet  personally  addressed  that 
august  body,  the  United  States  Senate. 

Maclay,  who  speaks  of  the  "  sullen  dignity  " 
of  the  Father  of  his  Country,  the  "  silly  laugh  "  of 
John  Adams,  and  the  "  bacchanalian  figure  "  of 
Secretary  Knox,  was  subsequently  able  to  record 
the  gradual  cessation  of  these  personal  visits  of  the 
President  and  his  advisers;  and  "  the  shamefaced- 
ness,"  which  the  diarist  complains  kept  everybody 
silent  in  the  presence  of  the  President,  had  no  excuse 
for  continuance  in  the  Senate. 

It  was  the  custom  for  the  members  of  the  Cabinet 
to  give  the  President  their  views  in  writing  when 
his  messages  were  to  contain  reference  to  matters 
within  the  purview  of  their  respective  departments. 
Thus  Knox's  humane  and  temperate  views  as  to  the 
policy  to  be  pursued  towards  the  Indian  tribes  are 
to  be  found  among  the  papers  of  Washington  and  of 
Knox.  In  minutes  for  the  President's  message  to 
Congress,  in  October,  1791,  the  Secretary  advocated 
that  segregation  of  the  Indian  lands  which,  in  these 
later  days,  has  engaged  the  attention  of  American 
statesmen.  He  also  recommended  an  impartial 
administration  of  justice  towards  the  Indians,  and 
argued  that  generous  treatment  of  them  and  condign 
punishment  of  lawless  men  who  infringed  upon  the 


1794]      Washington's  Administration    223 

rights  of  these  people  would  win  the  allegiance  of 
the  wards  of  the  nation  and  secure  lasting  peace 
with  them.  The  generous  side  of  Knox's  nature  is 
apparent  in  his  observation:  "  A  system  producing 
the  free  operation  of  the  mild  principles  of  religion 
and  benevolence  towards  an  unenlightened  race  of 
men  would  be  at  once  economical  and  highly 
honourable  to  the  national  character." 

In  August,  1790,  a  deputation  of  the  Creek  In 
dians  were  induced  to  visit  the  capital,  and  Knox,  as 
sole  commissioner  of  the  United  States,  negotiated 
with  them  a  treaty  by  which  extensive  tracts  of 
land,  claimed  by  Georgia,  were  relinquished  to  that 
State.  The  Creeks,  by  their  incursions  into  Georgia 
and  East  Tennessee,  had  caused  great  and  continual 
uneasiness  to  the  white  people.  On  behalf  of  their 
nation,  Alexander  McGillivray  and  twenty-three 
other  chiefs  now  promised  to  maintain  a  policy  of 
peace  and  amity  for  all  time  to  come.  McGillivray, 
by  way  of  reward  for  his  services,  was  commissioned 
a  brigadier-general  in  the  army  of  the  United  States. 
One  of  the  defences  of  East  Tennessee  in  those 
troublous  times  was  Fort  Knox,  named  in  honour 
of  the  Secretary  of  War.  The  fortification  has  long 
since  disappeared  from  the  face  of  the  earth,  but 
Knoxville  remains  to  perpetuate  the  name  of  the 
illustrious  man  who  did  so  much  to  pacify  the  red 
men  who  once  roved  those  regions. 

The  first  act  of  the  Governor  (William  Blount) 
and  judges  of  "  the  territory  south  of  the  river 
Ohio,"  now  Tennessee,  was  the  establishment,  in 
June,  1792,  of  Knox  County.  The  patriotism  of 


224  Henry  Knox  [1789- 

the  commissioners  gave  the  names  of  Washington, 
Jefferson,  Sullivan,  Greene,  Knox,  Monroe,  Sevier, 
Hamilton,  and  other  military  heroes  and  statesmen, 
to  the  early  framed  counties  of  the  territory,  and 
Knoxville  became  the  capital  of  the  young  State. 

General  Knox  was  an  early  and  strenuous  advo 
cate  of  the  building  of  a  navy.  His  mind  reached 
forward  to  the  growing  necessities  and  the  looming 
prosperity  of  the  young  Republic.  He  also  zealously 
advocated  the  construction  of  a  chain  of  fortifica 
tions  for  the  better  defence  of  our  extensive  seaboard 
against  attacks  from  without.  The  timid  and  the 
conservative  held  their  breath  with  awe  at  the  dis 
closure  of  the  far-reaching  and  costly  plans  of  the 
Secretary  of  War.  The  Cabinet  was  divided  in 
opinion  on  the  subject,  and  it  is  worthy  of  remark 
that  Jefferson,  the  malignant  Anti-Federalist,  was 
Knox's  supporter  in  his  strenuous  exertions  to  carry 
his  measures. 

But  the  poverty  of  the  treasury  and  the  fixed 
popular  prejudice  against  everything  resembling 
extensive  military  preparations  and  operations  de 
feated  Knox's  patriotic  plans,  for  a  time.  The 
depredations  of  the  Algerine  pirates,  the  enslave 
ment  of  American  citizens  by  these  cruel  barbarians, 
and  their  threatened  destruction  of  American  com 
merce  in  the  Mediterranean  (under  the  unfriendly 
aid  of  Great  Britain),  moved  Congress  to  speedy 
action.  In  response  to  Washington's  message  of 
March  3,  1/94,  Congress  authorised  the  construc 
tion,  or  purchase,  of  six  frigates,  or  of  a  naval  force 
which  should  not  be  less  than  that  number  of 


1794]      Washington's  Administration     225 

frigates,  no  vessel  to  be  equipped  with  less  than 
thirty-two  guns.  The  long-continued  depredations 
of  the  pirates  of  northern  Africa  enforced  at  last  the 
passionate  arguments  of  the  Secretary  of  War. 
The  famous  names  of  the  Constitution,  the  President, 
the  United  States,  the  Chesapeake,  the  Constellation, 
and  the  Congress  made  up  the  list  of  these  first 
frigates  ordered  by  Congress  to  be  built.  Under 
Knox's  administration  their  keels  were  laid ;  under 
the  management  of  his  successor,  Timothy  Picker 
ing,  they  were  largely  constructed,  and  they  were 
completed  and  launched  during  the  tenure  of  office 
of  Secretary  of  War  McHenry.  The  system  of  coast 
and  harbour  defences  was  authorised  by  Congress 
about  this  time,  and  the  forts  and  batteries  so 
ardently  asked  for  by  Secretary  Knox  were  in  a 
condition  of  tolerable  efficiency  when  the  Republic 
of  the  United  States  was  called  upon  to  defend  itself 
against  Great  Britain,  in  1812. 

Meanwhile  (in  1791),  after  much  wrangling  and 
log-rolling,  the  seat  of  the  National  Government  was 
removed  from  New  York  to  Philadelphia.  Knox, 
whose  stay  in  the  Cabinet  was  not  to  be  much 
longer  continued,  for  a  time  occupied  a  house  be 
longing  to  John  Adams,  and  in  a  letter  from  the 
Secretary  to  the  Vice-President,  written  in  June  of 
the  year  of  removal,  Knox  takes  occasion  to  thank 
Adams  for  the  use  of  the  house,  situated  on  Bush 
Hill,  in  what  were  then  the  suburbs  of  Philadelphia. 
'  While  the  inhabitants  of  this  city,"  says  the  Sec 
retary,  "  are  gasping  for  breath  like  a  hunted 
hare,  we  experience  in  the  hall  at  Bush  Hill  a 


226  Henry  Knox  [1789- 

delightful  and  animating  breeze — a  little  heated, 
however. ' ' 

Near  the  close  of  Knox's  term  of  office,  the 
country  was  vexed  and  harassed  by  the  episode  of 
Citizen  Genet,  the  feather-headed  French  Envoy 
who  strove  to  embroil  the  United  States  with  Great 
Britain  by  lending  money  and  furnishing  to  France 
other  means  of  making  war.  One  of  his  attempts 
upon  the  Secretary  of  War  was  made  with  the  in 
tention  of  securing  from  Knox  an  underhanded  and 
secret  use  of  some  of  the  resources  of  his  depart 
ment  in  the  prosecution  of  his  belligerent  designs 
against  Great  Britain.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  argu 
ments  of  Genet  were  forced  upon  the  immovable 
Secretary.  Knox  made  a  minute  of  the  conversa 
tion  which  he  had  had  with  Genet,  and  this  he 
showed  to  the  President. 

The  conversation  took  place,  according  to  the 
date  of  the  memorandum,  June  7,  1793.  Genet  said 
that  French  ships  had  appeared  off  Martinique  and 
Guadaloupe,  in  need  of  arms  and  ammunition,  and 
that  if  the  War  Department  of  the  United  States 
would  furnish  these  to  the  vessels,  Genet  would 
guarantee  that  the  cost  of  the  same  should  be  de 
ducted  from  the  debt  due  from  the  United  States  to 
France.  There  were  long  arguments  on  both  sides 
of  this  strange  proposition,  but  Knox's  final  reply 
was  to  the  effect  that  such  a  transaction  would  be  a 
violation  of  neutrality  to  which  Great  Britain  would 
enter  objections.  He  also  insisted  that  the  Presi 
dent  had  not  the  power  to  order  such  a  transaction. 

On  the  back  of  the  memorandum  which  sets  forth 


1794]      Washington's  Administration     227 

Genet's  arguments  and  Knox's  replies,  is  endorsed 
in  Knox's  handwriting,  "  Read  to  the  President  of 
the  U.  S.  the  before  recited  conversation,  in  the 
presence  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury."  The 
President  approved  the  reasons  that  had  been  given 
to  M.  Genet  for  Knox's  refusal  to  comply  with  his 
requests ;  and  the  endorsement  further  specifies  that 
Washington  emphatically  approved  Knox's  asser 
tion  that  the  President  had  no  authority  to  direct 
the  Secretary  of  War  to  do  the  things  requested  of 
him  by  Genet ;  and  that  -such  acts  would  be  a  clear 
violation  of  the  neutrality  so  lately  proclaimed  by 
the  United  States,  apropos  of  the  hostilities  pending 
between  France  and  Great  Britain.  In  due  season, 
Monsieur  Genet  ran  his  erratic  course,  and,  after 
sowing  seeds  of  discord  which  long  after  bore  a 
plentiful  crop,  he  departed  in  disgrace  from  our 
shores. 

The  last  year  of  Knox's  administration  of  the 
WTar  Department  was  marked  by  another  unhappy 
complication.  The  three  western  counties  of  Penn 
sylvania  rose  in  rebellion  against  certain  acts  of  Con 
gress  providing  for  the  imposition  and  collection  of 
taxes  on  whiskey.  The  so-called  Whiskey  Insur 
rection  was  a  forcible  attempt  to  resist  the  execu 
tion  of  a  law  of  Congress.  The  distillers  and  their 
sympathisers  protested  that  the  tax  was  excessive, 
and  that  the  provision  requiring  them  to  cross  the 
mountains  and  pay  that  tax,  or  otherwise  answer  for 
non-compliance  with  the  provisions  of  the  law,  was 
an  insufferable  hardship.  Congress  endeavoured  to 
ameliorate  the  burden  of  the  law  so  far  as  it  related 


228  Henry  Knox  [1789- 

to  the  collection  of  taxes  and  the  compulsory  jour 
ney  of  non-paying  distillers  from  one  end  of  the  State 
to  the  other;  but  there  still  remained  the  obnoxious 
provision  which  gave  to  the  Federal  courts,  and  not 
to  State  courts,  sole  jurisdiction  of  all  excise  cases. 
The  malcontents  armed  themselves,  defied  the  law 
and  the  Federal  Government,  and  drove  its  officers 
and  outspoken  supporters  across  the  mountains. 
Assembling  on  Braddock's  Field,  the  insurrection 
ists  organised  themselves  into  an  armed  mob  and 
swore  to  accomplish  dreadful  things.  Through  the 
War  Department  the  President  called  upon  the 
States  of  Virginia,  Maryland,  Pennsylvania,  and 
New  Jersey  for  troops  to  assist  in  the  suppression 
of  the  rebellion.  The  militia  called  out  by  pro 
clamation  were  to  number  12,950.  Another  pro 
clamation  by  the  President  warned  the  rebels  to 
desist  and  disperse.  Washington  took  the  field  in 
person,  and  he  gave  audience  to  a  commission  from 
the  insurrectionists  who  endeavoured  to  stay  the 
progress  of  the  troops  and  secure  from  the  President 
the  promise  of  a  let-alone  policy.  It  was  in  vain; 
the  troops  marched  on,  and,  although  bloodshed, 
riot,  and  incendiarism  were  rife  in  the  disaffected 
counties,  that  march  of  the  volunteer  militia  so  dis 
mayed  the  rebels  that  the  insurrection  was  over  in 
sixty  days,  and  Washington  returned  to  the  national 
capital.  Only  two  of  the  malcontents  were  con 
victed  of  treason ;  and  these  were  subsequently 
pardoned  by  President  Washington.  The  response 
of  the  States  to  the  call  for  troops  was  prompt  and 
cordial.  The  "  invasion  "  of  Pennsylvania  by  armed 


1794]      Washington's  Administration     229 

men  from  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  New  Jersey,  to 
enforce  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  was  the  first 
instance  of  its  kind  in  history ;  and  the  first  forcible 
attempt  to  resist  the  authority  of  the  officers  of  the 
Republic  ended  in  defeat  and  confusion. 

Events  like  these,  we  may  be  certain,  did  not 
lessen  Knox's  official  energy,  nor  yet  turn  away  his 
thoughts  from  his  plan  for  retiring  to  private  life. 
He  found  real  pleasure  in  the  activities  of  his 
station,  and  his  desire  to  serve  his  country  was 
always  keen  and  unselfish.  But  he  had  long  before 
determined  to  return  to  a  private  station  and  devote 
some  portion  of  his  abundant  energies  to  making 
such  provision  for  his  young  and  growing  family  as 
was  due  to  them.  His  expenses  in  public  life  far 
exceeded  the  income  from  his  official  emoluments, 
and  the  needs  of  a  large  landed  estate  which  be 
longed  to  his  wife  required  his  personal  supervision. 
He  was  now  forty-four  years  of  age,  and  he  had 
spent  nearly  all  of  his  years  of  manhood  in  the  ser 
vice  of  his  country.  Two  years  before,  that  is  to  say, 
in  1792,  he  had  written  to  his  daughter  Lucy  to  say 
that  the  objects  of  life  did  not  longer  appear  to  him 
as  they  did  when  he  was  in  the  heyday  of  his  youth. 

"  All  my  life,"  he  said,  "  I  have  been  pursuing  illusive  bubbles 
which  burst  on  being  grasped,  and  't  is  high  time  I  should  quit 
public  life  and  attend  to  the  solid  interests  of  my  family,  so  that 
they  may  not  be  left  dependent  upon  the  cold  hand  of  charity  ;  and 
in  order  to  retire  with  reputation,  it  is  indispensably  necessary  that 
I  should  not  afford  subject  for  calumny  to  feed  upon,  by  neglecting 
for  a  moment  the  services  belonging  to  my  station.  I  wish  for  ease, 
but  in  order  to  enjoy  it,  I  must  make  some  exertions  for  pecuniary 
objects." 


230  Henry  Knox  [1789- 

It  is  likely  that  the  death  of  his  well-beloved  friend, 
General  Nathanael  Greene,  who  left  a  family  insuf 
ficiently  provided  for,  after  a  career  of  the  most 
honourable  and  patriotic  service,  had  made  some  im 
pression  on  the  observant  mind  of  Knox.  He  could 
no  longer,  in  time  of  peace,  neglect  the  interests 
of  his  family.  President  Washington,  from  time 
to  time,  had  persuaded  Knox  to  remain  with  him 
longer,  urging  him  to  stay  at  least  until  the  end  of 
the  presidential  term.  But  Knox  finally  wrote  the 
following  letter  to  his  illustrious  chief: 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  28  Dec.,  1794. 

"  SIR  : — In  pursuance  of  the  verbal  communications  heretofore 
submitted,  it  is  with  the  utmost  respect  that  I  beg  leave  officially 
to  request  you  will  please  to  consider  that,  after  the  last  day  of  the 
present  month  and  year,  my  services  as  Secretary  for  the  Department 
of  War  will  cease. 

"  I  have  endeavoured  to  place  the  business  of  the  department  in 
such  a  train  that  my  successor  may  without  much  difficulty  commence 
the  duties  of  his  station.  Any  explanations  or  assistance  which  he 
may  require  shall  be  cordially  afforded  by  me. 

"  After  having  served  my  country  nearly  twenty  years,  the  great 
est  portion  of  which  under  your  immediate  auspices,  it  is  with 
extreme  reluctance  I  find  myself  constrained  to  withdraw  from  so 
honourable  a  situation. 

"  But  the  indispensable  claims  of  a  wife  and  a  growing  and 
numerous  family  of  children,  whose  sole  hopes  of  comfortable  com 
petence  rest  upon  my  life  and  exertions,  will  no  longer  permit  me  to 
neglect  duties  so  sacred. 

"  But,  in  whatever  situation  I  shall  be,  I  shall  recollect  your  con 
fidence  and  kindness  with  all  the  fervour  and  purity  of  affection  of 
which  a  grateful  heart  can  be  susceptible." 

WASHINGTON  TO  KNOX. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Dec.  30,  1794. 

"SiR, — The  considerations  which  you  have  often  suggested  to 
me,  and  are  repeated  in  your  letter  of  the  28th  inst.,  as  requiring 


1794]      Washington's  Administration    231 

your  departure  from  your  present  office,  are  such  as  to  preclude  the 
possibility  of  my  urging  your  continuance  in  it. 

"  This  being  the  case,  I  can  only  wish  that  it  was  otherwise.  I 
cannot  suffer  you,  however,  to  close  your  public  service  without 
uniting,  with  the  satisfaction  which  must  arise  in  your  own  mind 
from  a  conscious  rectitude,  my  most  perfect  persuasion  that  you  have 
deserved  well  of  your  country.  My  personal  knowledge  of  your  ex 
ertions,  while  it  authorises  me  to  hold  this  language,  justifies  the 
sincere  friendship  which  I  have  ever  borne  for  you,  and  which  will 
accompany  you  in  every  situation  of  life.  Being  with  affectionate 
regard, 

"  Always  yours, 

"  GEO.  WASHINGTON." 


CHAPTER  XI 


THE    RETURN   OF  CINCINNATUS 
1795-1800 

|HE  ex-Secretary  of  War  left  Philadel 
phia  on  the  1st  of  June,  1795,  for  his 
estates  in  the  district  of  Maine. 
Tarrying  for  a  while  in  his  native 
town  of  Boston,  he  was  invited  to  a 
public  banquet  in  his  honour,  and  when  he  reached 
Thomaston,  Maine,  where  he  had  fixed  his  future 
place  of  residence,  he  was  given  a  grand  welcome 
and  reception,  in  which  the  people  of  the  region 
joined  to  greet  with  great  warmth  the  famous  gen 
eral  and  statesman,  their  fellow-townsman.  A  local 
historian  *  says : 

"  The  year  1795  is  a  memorable  epoch  in  the  history  of  this  town 
and  the  adjacent  country  ;  made  so  in  consequence  of  the  resignation 
of  Maj.-Gen.  Henry  Knox,  as  Secretary  of  War  under  Washington, 
and  his  removal  to  Thomaston.  .  .  .  Wherever  Washington 
fought,  Knox  was  by  his  side  ;  and  there  can  be  no  higher  testimony 
to  his  merits  than  that,  during  a  war  of  so  long  continuance,  he  uni 
formly  retained  his  confidence  and  esteem.  This  confidence,  before 
their  separation,  had  ripened  into  friendship  which  was  kept  up  by 

*  Cyrus  Eaton,  author  of  History  of  Thomaston,  etc. 
232 


&  I 

g    £ 

o 

I 


il  UNIVF.Br.IT 


or  TH~K 

UNIVERSITY 


1800]       The  Return  of  Cincinnatus        233 


a  frequent  and  affectionate  correspondence  till  discontinued  by  the 
death  of  Washington." 

Knox  had  previously  ordered  the  building  of  an 
elegant  mansion  on  his  estate,  and  he  now  took 
possession  of  the  domicile,  furnished  it  in  a  manner 
sumptuous  for  those  primitive  days  in  primitive 
Maine,  and  went  heartily  to  work  clearing  up  the 
title  and  improving  the  vast  tract  of  land  to  which 
he  had  come  into  possession.  Unto  this  day  there 
are  extant  many  legends  of  the  splendour  of  "  Mont- 
pelier,"  as  Knox  dubbed  his  fine  house;  and  the 
original  cost  of  the  building  was  variously  reputed 
to  be  anywhere  between  twenty-five  thousand  dol 
lars  and  fifty  thousand  dollars.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
Knox's  own  private  accounts  show  that  the  house 
cost  about  fifteen  thousand  dollars.  It  was  built  at 
the  head  of  St.  George's  River,  a  small  stream 
emptying  into  Penobscot  Bay.  The  situation  was 
one  of  great  beauty  and  picturesqueness,  the  site  of 
the  mansion  being  elevated  and  surrounded  with 
native  forest  trees.  In  the  rear  of  the  building, 
which  was  largely  constructed  o(  brick,  stone,  and 
timber  from  the  Knox  estate,  were  a  number  of 
outbuildings,  stables,  and  cook-houses,  after  the 
ample  and  generous  style  of  the  best  Virginia  home 
steads  ;  these  were  arranged  in  the  form  of  a  cres 
cent,  and  a  covered  way  from  a  section  of  these 
provided  means  for  communication  with  the  man 
sion  in  all  manner  of  weather.  The  house  long 
remained,  after  the  death  of  its  builder,  one  of  the 
sights  of  the  region.  It  is  pleasant  to  remember 
that  in  these  quiet  and  picturesque  shades  the 


234  Henry  Knox  [179 

war-worn  veteran  passed  the  last  and  happiest  yeai^ 
of  his  busy  life. 

But  the  General's  repose  was  by  no  means  undis 
turbed  by  cares  and  vexations.  The  tract  of  land 
now  in  possession  of  Knox  was  known  as  the  Waldo 
patent,  and  to  it  Knox  added  by  purchase  many 
thousand  acres.  The  domain  (some  thirty  miles 
square)  lay  between  the  Penobscot  and  Kennebec 
rivers,  and  included  the  greater  part  of  what  is  now 
the  territory  of  Knox,  Waldo,  Penobscot,  and  Lin 
coln  counties.  The  WTaldo  patent  was  originally 
issued  to  General  Samuel  Waldo,  the  maternal 
grandfather  of  Mrs.  Henry  Knox.  This  soldier  was 
appointed  a  brigadier-general  by  William  Shirley, 
Governor  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in 
1744.  He  was  in  command  of  the  forces  raised  in 
the  province  for  the  reduction  of  Louisburg,  and 
when  that  important  fortified  post  surrendered  to 
the  British  colonial  arms,  he  continued  to  garrison 
Louisburg  until  relieved  by  the  regular  troops. 

All  of  which  was  greatly  to  the  detriment  of  his 
private  fortune,"  says  General  William  Pepperell, 
acting  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  in  a  certificate 
attached  to  Waldo's  petition  to  the  King  of  Eng 
land,  praying  for  a  grant  of  wild  land  by  way  of 
compensation  for  his  services.  Before  the  grant 
could  be  issued  and  confirmed,  General  Waldo  died, 
and  his  heirs,  Samuel  Waldo,  Francis  Waldo,  Isaac 
Winslow  and  Lucy  Waldo  (his  wife),  Thomas 
Flucker  and  Hannah  Waldo  (his  wife),  all  of  Bos 
ton,  petitioned  the  King  for  confirmation  of  the 
royal  grant.  This  secured,  the  so-called  Waldo 


The  Return  of  Cincinnatus        235 


patent  became  the  property  of  the  heirs;  and  event 
ually  the  share  of  the  Flucker  family,  and  then  the 
entire  tract,  came  into  possession  of  Lucy  Flucker 
Knox  and  her  husband,  partly  by  inheritance  and 
partly  by  purchase. 

Knox  was  also  one  of  the  members  of  the  specu 
lative  organisation  known  as  the  Eastern  Land  As 
sociates,  Henry  Jackson,  Royal  Flint,  and  other 
friends  of  the  General  being  united  with  him  in  the 
purchase  of  a  tract  of  wild  land  bought  of  the  Com 
monwealth  of  Massachusetts,  in  1792,  and  bounded 
on  the  south  by  lands  which  they  had  previously 
purchased  ;  on  the  west  by  a  line  six  miles  from  the 
east  branch  of  the  Penobscot  River;  on  the  east 
by  the  Schoodic  River;  north  by  the  Canada  line. 
For  this  immense  tract  the  purchasers  were  to  pay 
the  Commonwealth  twenty-five  cents  an  acre,  of 
which  gross  sum  $5000  was  to  be  paid  within  thirty 
days,  and  the  remainder  in  payments  of  $30,000 
per  annum  ;  bonds  and  securities  were  given  by 
the  buyers  for  the  faithful  performance  of  this 
contract. 

Speculation  in  the  wild  lands  of  Maine  was  then 
rife,  and  extravagant  stories  of  the  hidden  wealth 
of  the  region  had  induced  many  settlers  and  pur 
chasers  to  take  up  as  many  acres  as  they  could 
secure  "  by  hook  or  by  crook."  When  Knox  ac 
quired  his  first  interest  in  the  Waldo  patent  he  sent 
thither  one  Monsieur  Monvel,  "  a  judicious  young 
French  gentleman  who  had  been  educated  in  the 
Royal  Academy  at  Paris,"  to  explore  the  region  to 
discover  its  wealth  in  ores  and  minerals.  It  does 


236  Henry  Knox  [1795- 

not  appear  that  he  found  anything  more  valuable 
than  excellent  beds  of  limestone,  a  product  of  which 
the  proprietor  made  use  when  he  established  himself 
on  his  purchase. 

Knox  was  greatly  bothered  by  the  incursions  of 
squatters  upon  his  land,  and  as  many  of  these  were 
Revolutionary  veterans  who  had  "  located  "  their 
claims  under  bounty-land  warrants  upon  the  Waldo 
patent,  in  possible  ignorance  of  their  trespassing  on 
private  property,  the  embarrassments  of  the  general 
were  doubled.  By  his  firmness  and  gentleness,  as 
well  as  by  his  generous  treatment  of  the  interlopers, 
he  secured  most  of  them  in  their  holdings  without 
serious  damage  to  himself.  A  more  difficult  class 
to  deal  with  were  the  lawless  invaders  who  squatted 
upon  his  lands,  shot  at  the  surveyors  sent  to  run 
boundary  lines,  and  generally  carried  themselves  in 
an  exasperating  and  unfriendly  manner  towards  the 
rightful  proprietor.  Vilifying  attacks  were  made 
upon  Knox  in  the  public  prints,  and  at  least  one  of 
these  attained  the  dignity  of  a  published  pamphlet 
entitled  The  Unmasked  Nabob  of  Hancock  County. 
Hancock  County,  whose  western  boundary  is  the 
Penobscot  River,  then  extended  over  what  is  now 
a  part  of  Waldo  and  Penobscot  counties,  on  the 
west  bank  of  that  stream. 

Another  prolific  source  of  difficulty  was  the  defini 
tion  of  boundary  lines  where  islands  were  concerned. 
The  Waldo  patent  gave  to  the  grantee  all  islands 
within  a  certain  distance  of  the  mainland  ;  but  where 
a  part  of  the  island  was  without  that  limit  and  a  part 
within  it,  litigation  arose,  as  in  the  case  of  Long 


The  Return  of  Cincinnatus        237 


Island,  Penobscot  Bay,  a  part  of  which  lay  within 
the  line  of  the  patent  ;  and  a  similar  embarrassment 
arose  where  the  title  to  Brigadier's  Island  conflicted 
with  that  of  the  actual  settlers.  In  the  case  of  the 
Long  Islanders,  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts 
enacted  a  law  to  quiet  title  by  impartial  appraise 
ment,  and  purchase  by  the  settlers;  and  Knox 
bought  outright  the  holdings  of  the  men  on  Briga 
dier's  Island. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  General  Knox,  with  these 
vexatious  and  expensive  lawsuits  on  his  hands 
added  to  the  burdens  which  he  had  assumed  in  his 
vast  purchases,  became  embarrassed  in  his  financial 
arrangements.  As  early  as  1792,  when  he  was  deep 
in  his  land  speculations,  he  had  recourse  to  his 
steadfast  friend,  Mr.  William  Duer,  with  whom  his 
transactions  in  that  year  amounted  to  more  than 
$29,000.  Duer  was  a  staunch  Federalist,  a  man  of 
wealth,  and  the  writer  of  at  least  three  papers  in  The 
Federalist  ;  he  was  a  friend  beloved  by  both  Knox 
and  Hamilton.  Another  of  Knox's  comrades  who 
was  involved  in  his  disastrous  speculations  was 
Colonel  "  Harry  "  Jackson,  who,  with  General  Ben 
jamin  Lincoln,  endorsed  heavily  the  notes  of  Knox. 
These  men,  however,  were  amply  secured  by  bonds 
and  mortgages,  and  they  were  eventually  able  to 
make  good  their  temporary  losses.  In  the  Knox 
Papers  is  to  be  found  a  memorandum  of  notes  and 
bonds  given  by  the  General  to  Lincoln,  June  17, 
1797,  the  gross  sum  being  $56,000. 

While  Knox  was  building  his  house  in  Thomas- 
ton,  he  wrote  an  entertaining  letter  to  his  friend 


238  Henry  Knox  [1795- 

Jackson  in  which  he  described  the  budding  magni 
ficence  of  the  mansion.  Then,  passing  to  the  con 
sideration  of  the  habits  of  one  of  Jackson's  sons, 
whose  education  had  been  entrusted  to  him,  Knox 
says  : 

"I  have  considered  your  son  as  very  extravagant  in  the  article 
of  clothing,  and  without  the  least  economy  as  it  respects  them, 
and  unless  he  is  put  under  some  control  (he  has  no  idea  of  the 
value  of  money],  his  expenses  would  exceed  all  bounds.  ...  I 
have  no  doubt  but  his  expense  for  clothing  is  more  than  the  sum 
of  any  lad  at  the  academy  at  the  same  time." 

This  glimpse  of  the  extravagance  and  prodigality  of 
a  lad  in  private  school,  given  by  the  pen  of  his  much- 
vexed  guardian,  is  ended  by  the  further  remark  of 
Knox  that  he  has  "  directed  that  the  lad's  expend 
itures  be  checked  by  the  preceptor,"  which,  he 
thinks,  "  Master  Harry  will  find  irksome." 

Some  years  later,  writing  to  his  friend,  Joseph 
Peirce,  of  Boston,  Knox  casually  touches  upon  his 
troubles  with  another  lad  for  whose  well-being  he 
has  become  responsible.  This  youngster  appears  to 
have  been  one  of  several  of  his  wife's  nephews  who 
had  returned  from  England  to  America.  Knox 
apologises  for  troubling  his  friend  "  with  the  young 
Fluckers  so  much  ";  but  he  sends  him  Thomas  of 
that  ilk  with  the  request  that  Mr.  Peirce  shall,  if 
possible,  aid  him  in  securing  for  the  lad  an  appoint 
ment  as  midshipman  on  the  frigate  Constitution.  If 
successful  in  this,  young  Flucker  will  need  suit 
able  clothing,  a  uniform,  a  hanger,  or  short  sword, 
and  other  things.  Knox  plaintively  adds,  "  I 
don't  know  what  to  do  with  him  if  he  fails  of  the 


MAJOR-GENERAL  BENJAMIN   LINCOLN. 


The  Return  of  Cincinnatus        239 


appointment."  Unfortunately,  history  does  not 
record  the  ultimate  fate  of  young  Flucker  and  his 
brothers. 

Knox's  industrial  occupations  and  enterprises,  like 
everything  that  he  undertook,  were  on  a  very  large 
scale.  Lumber,  lime,  bricks,  fish,  and  other  products 
were  the  objects  of  his  untiring  and  energetic  indus 
try.  Of  saw-mills  he  had  no  less  than  five,  and 
minute  reports  of  their  output,  "  from  fish-time 
until  the  water  failed,"  are  given  in  his  papers.  His 
private  list  of  workmen  employed  on  the  estate- 
labourers,  quarrymen,  brickmakers,  carpenters, 
coopers,  blacksmiths,  farmers,  gardeners,  and  mill 
wrights  —  shows  a  total  of  103  men.  The  pay-roll 
is  not  to  be  found;  but  we  notice  that  during  one 
year,  1798,  there  were  killed  on  the  estate  beeves 
which  yielded  over  15,000  pounds  of  beef,  900 
pounds  of  tallow,  and  2500  hides.  The  sustenance 
of  an  army  of  workmen  and  an  unceasing  stream  of 
visitors  required,  it  was  said,  the  slaughter  of  one 
beeve  and  twenty  sheep  each  week,  to  say  nothing 
of  the  fish,  fowls,  game,  and  other  lesser  articles  of 
food  that  were  daily  consumed  at  Montpelier. 
Local  tradition,  which  still  lingers  lovingly  over  the 
fleeting  splendours  of  the  Knox  mansion,  further 
sets  forth  the  fact  that  one  hundred  beds  were  made 
every  day  in  that  hospitable  abode.  Abating  much 
from  these  extravagant  legends,  it  is  evident  that 
the  Knox  establishment,  with  its  adjuncts  of  ship 
building,  brick-making,  quarrying,  and  farming, 
must  have  been  a  costly  experiment  in  the  hands  of 
our  generous  and  expansive  Cincinnatus.  In  the 


240  Henry  Knox  ['795- 

course  of  time  the  experiment  succeeded;  but  at  its 
earliest  stages,  it  nearly  bankrupted  General  Knox 
and  many  of  his  friends. 

A  pioneer,  to  a  certain  extent,  in  the  wilds  of 
Maine,  Knox  was  the  first  to  introduce  many  feat 
ures  of  social  life  that  were  novel  in  those  parts. 
His  wife's  piano  was  the  first  brought  into  the  region. 
His  library,  which  was  the  second  largest  in  Maine, 
comprised  nearly  sixteen  hundred  volumes,  of  which 
about  one-fourth  were  in  the  French  language.  His 
entertainments  were  on  a  scale  as  much  larger  as  his 
Thomaston  house  exceeded  in  size  the  humbler 
domicile  which  he  occupied  in  "  the  bowery  lane," 
New  York.  At  his  house-warming,  on  Independ 
ence  Day,  1795,  five  hundred  people  came  in  answer 
to  a  general  and  generous  invitation  for  all  the  in 
habitants  of  the  locality  to  be  the  guests  of  General 
and  Mrs.  Knox.  The  entire  Tarratine  clan  of  the 
Penobscot  Indians  were  his  guests  for  days  and 
weeks,  and  after  feasts  of  beef,  pork,  corn,  and 
bread  had  exhausted  the  General's  larder,  if  not  his 
patience,  it  was  needful  for  him  to  say  to  the  chief, 
4  Now  we  have  had  a  good  visit,  and  you  had  better 
go  home." 

Knox  sedulously  searched  for  the  best  forest  trees 
indigenous  to  Maine  for  the  embellishment  of  his 
grounds.  Brigadier's  Island,  which  he  bought  of 
the  men  who  had  squatted  there  on  his  own  pro 
perty,  he  utilised  as  a  fancy  stock  farm  for  the  breed 
ing  of  imported  cattle.  His  superintendent  was 
Captain  Thomas  Vose,  formerly  commanding  in  the 
Continental  artillery, and  highly  esteemed  by  General 


isoo]       The  Return  of  Cincinnatus        241 

Knox.  Captain  Vose  eventually  became  a  partner 
with  General  Knox  in  the  extensive  trading  and 
manufacturing  business  in  which  he  was  engaged. 
In  a  letter,  a  model  of  its  kind,  written  to  this 
good  man  by  his  employer,  in  September,  1794, 
Knox  says : 

"  Having  with  great  satisfaction  viewed  the  progress  of  the  build 
ing  of  my  house  under  your  direction,  aided  by  the  industry  and 
exertion  of  Messrs.  Simpson  &  Hersy,  and  Messrs.  Dunton  and 
Gushing  [architects],  I  conceive  it  a  matter  of  duty  to  thank  you 
particularly  for  your  care  and  attention  in  the  arduous  task  imposed 
upon  you,  and  to  express  to  them  my  approbation  of  their  conduct  ; 
for  your  time  and  trouble  in  this  business,  I  shall  be  desirous  of  mak 
ing  you  satisfactory  compensation." 

Among  the  visitors  who  were  lodged  under  the 
ample  roof  of  the  retired  soldier  and  statesman  were 
many  distinguished  men  from  beyond  the  seas. 
Talleyrand,  Louis  Philippe,  the  Count  de  Beaumetz, 
the  Duke  de  Liancourt  Rochefoucauld,  and  Alex 
ander  Baring,  afterwards  Lord  Ashburton,  were  of 
these  famous  men.  The  Duke  de  Liancourt  was  an 
unfortunate  tmigrd  whose  poverty  was  so  dire  that 
he  was  forced  to  accept  from  his  friend  Knox  sun 
dry  much-needed  replenishments  of  his  personal 
wardrobe.  It  is  related  of  him  that  he  once  said  to 
a  sympathising  American  companion,  "  I  have 
three  dukedoms  on  my  head,  and  not  one  whole  coat 
on  my  back !  ' ' 

During  the  acrimonious  dispute  which  engaged 
the  attention  of  the  United  States  and  France, 
in  1797,  the  Duke  de  Liancourt  wrote  to  Knox  a 
kindly  letter  in  which  he  told  the  General  of  rumours 

16 


242  Henry  Knox  [1795- 

affecting  Knox's  attitude  towards  France.     In  his 
reply,  Knox  said : 

"  Under  every  vicissitude  of  human  affairs  I  shall  love  and  esteem 
you  as  a  brother.  You  are  not  truly  informed  of  my  having  a  hatred 
for  the  French  nation.  Their  great  qualities  of  gallantry  and  mag 
nanimity  are  above,  far  above,  my  eulogy.  But  as  it  relates  to  this 
country,  they  are  acting  under  a  mistaken  impression  of  our  being 
attached  to  the  British  nation.  I  hope  time  and  better  information 
will  lessen  the  resentment  of  France  against  this  country  ;  it  cannot 
be  for  their  happiness  or  ours  that  we  should  quarrel." 

During  the  latter  years  of  his  life,  and  while  he 
was  engaged  in  the  multifarious  occupations  of 
farmer,  manufacturer,  and  stock-raiser,  General 
Knox  found  time  to  take  a  hand  in  public  affairs 
and  to  review  some  of  the  matters  which  had  come 
under  his  observation  during  his  term  of  official  life. 
Thus  he  was  appointed  on  the  commission  to  as 
certain  the  true  situation  of  the  river  St.  Croix, 
which,  under  existing  treaties,  was  the  eastern 
boundary  of  the  United  States.  In  1801  he  was 
chosen  a  member  of  the  General  Court  of  Massa 
chusetts,  and  in  1804  he  was  appointed  one  of 
the  Governor's  Council  and  was  often  consulted 
by  Strong,  the  Chief  Executive  of  the  Common 
wealth. 

National  commerce  also  became  the  object  of  his 
solicitude,  and  he  busied  himself  with  an  elaborate 
compilation  of  returns  showing  that  the  tonnage  of 
vessels  employed  in  trade  between  Great  Britain  and 
the  United  States,  before  the  Revolutionary  War, 
amounted  to  65,058,  or  497  vessels.  Of  these,  165 
vessels,  of  21,686  tons,  were  the  property  of  the 


The  Return  of  Cincinnatus        243 


colonists.  After  the  war  was  over,  the  General 
found  that  261  vessels  were  engaged  in  the  same 
trade,  with  a  tonnage  of  52,595,  of  which  163  ves 
sels,  of  26,564  tonnage,  were  the  property  of  Ameri 
can  owners.  The  project  of  a  canal  across  Cape  Cod, 
to  connect  the  waters  of  Buzzard's  Bay  and  Barn- 
stable  Bay,  also  gave  him  a  topic  for  discussion  and 
careful  estimates  of  the  costs.  It  was  estimated 
that  the  total  cost,  including  piers,  bridges,  etc., 
would  be  £70,707  los.  In  his  papers  also  are  found 
minute  plans  of  a  harbour-defence  craft,  or  floating 
battery,  submitted  to  his  inspection  and  afterwards 
examined  and  commented  upon  by  him  in  his  retire 
ment. 

In  1787  his  attention  was  attracted  to  the  increas 
ing  demand  for  copper,  and  he  was  one  of  a  company 
organised  for  the  purpose  of  mining  for  that  metal. 
The  company  of  which  he  was  a  member  contracted 
with  the  Government  of  the  United  States  for  the 
delivery  to  the  agents  of  said  Government  of  stipu 
lated  amounts  of  copper,  which  was  to  be  coined 
under  certain  conditions.  The  copious  memoranda, 
which  are  in  Knox's  handwriting,  do  not  show  that 
operations  under  the  contract  ever  amounted  to 
anything. 

His  charities  were  extensive,  and,  although  he 
was  at  times  cramped  in  his  vast  financial  opera 
tions,  he  was  ever  liberal  with  his  contributions. 
He  was  by  profession  a  Unitarian,  but  he  gave 
generously  to  a  church  building  in  Thomaston 
which  was  to  be  occupied  by  any  denomination  of 
Christians  who  might  choose  to  take  it  for  occasional 


?44  Henry  Knox  ['795- 

use  in  the  fitful  religious  ministrations  of  those  days 
when  sparse  settlements  and  imperfect  means  of 
communication  prevented  regular"  stated  worship." 
He  gave  to  that  church  a  Bible  and  a  bell.  In  his 
papers  is  found  a  bill  from  Paul  Revere  for  the  cast 
ing  of  said  bell,  which  weighed  683  Ibs.  and  cost  85 
pounds,  7  shillings,  and  6  pence.  For  the  engrav 
ing  of  a  motto  on  the  same  the  charge  was  fifteen 
shillings.  Some  years  after  Knox's  death,  the  bell 
was  cracked,  and  it  was  sent  to  Boston  to  be  recast. 
It  still  bears  the  name  of  Paul  Revere,  still  swings 
in  the  steeple  where  it  has  hung  for  so  many  years; 
but  the  legend  selected  by  Knox  was  omitted  in 
the  recasting,  and  we  are  left  without  any  hint  of  its 
pertinence.  Among  the  General's  papers  is  one, 
evidently  written  by  him  at  the  request  of  some  of 
his  friends,  entitled  "  The  Duties  of  a  Christian 
Minister,"  in  which  the  deportment,  personal  char 
acter,  and  parochial  functions,  rather  than  the  pulpit 
exercises  of  the  minister,  are  descanted  upon  by  the 
writer. 

He  also  drew  up  and  headed  with  fifty  dollars  a 
subscription  for  the  relief  of  the  "  four  amiable 
daughters  of  the  Compte  de  Grasse,  in  recognition 
of  the  services  of  De  Grasse  at  Yorktown,"  etc., 
these  ladies  being  then  in  the  West  Indies  where 
they  were  in  great  financial  straits.  Knox  was  a 
subscriber  to  the  publications  of  Noah  Webster; 
and  to  the  extent  of  his  ability  he  was  a  patron 
of  the  fine  arts.  He  drew  a  bill  for  Congress  to 
authorise  the  purchase  of  certain  paintings  by  John 
Trumbull,  of  Connecticut,  "  illustrative  of  the  late 


The  Return  of  Cincinnatus        245 


important  revolution  which  secured  the  independ 
ence  of  the  United  States."  The  preamble  to  the 
bill  declared  that  "  the  encouragement  of  the  arts 
and  sciences  has  been  justly  esteemed  honourable 
and  worthy  of  the  wisest  and  most  enlightened 
nations  "  ;  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  to 
be  authorised  to  purchase  said  paintings  and  con 
trol  the  engraving  of  the  same.  The  scheme  fell 
through  on  account  of  the  discovery  of  the  inability 
of  the  Government  to  house  them  in  any  gallery  or 
other  public  place.  But  Congress,  in  1816,  did 
order  the  purchase  of  four  paintings  at  $8000  each. 
These  were  The  Signing  of  tJie  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence,  The  Surrender  of  Lord  Cor  nwallis  at  York- 
town,  The  Surrender  of  Burgoyne,  and  Washington 
Resigning  his  Commission  to  Congress.  In  the  Knox 
Papers  is  a  receipt  for  three  guineas,  paid  by  the 
General  for  two  prints  executed  in  London  by  An 
thony  C.  Poggie,  engraver,  from  Trumbull's  paint 
ings  representing  the  death  of  Montgomery  and  the 
battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  and  dated  November  10, 
1788.  John  Trumbull  and  Anthony  C.  Poggie 
united  in  signing  this  receipt. 

During  this  period,  so  filled  with  miscellaneous 
activities  and  cares,  General  Knox  maintained  an 
active  correspondence  with  all  the  leading  spirits  of 
the  American  Revolution,  whether  living  in  this 
country  or  in  Europe.  The  letters  of  Washington 
to  Knox  are  characterised  by  the  same  affectionate- 
ness  and  intimacy  that  always  constituted  the 
chief  charm  of  the  correspondence  of  these  two 
great  men.  When  Washington,  on  the  eve  of  his 


246  Henry  Knox  [1795- 

departure  from  the  national  capital,  in  1797,  re 
viewed  his  closing  years  of  administration,  he  wrote 
to  Knox,  who  had  recently  suffered  bereavements 
by  deaths,  the  following  interesting  letter: 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  March  2,  1797. 
"  MY  DEAR  SIR  : 

"  Among  the  last  acts  of  my  political  life,  and  before  I  go  hence 
into  retirement  profound,  will  be  the  acknowledgement  of  your  kind 
and  affectionate  letter  from  Boston,  dated  the  25th  of  January. 

"  From  the  friendship  I  have  always  borne  you,  and  from  the  in 
terest  I  have  ever  taken  in  your  prosperity  &  happiness,  I  participated 
in  the  sorrows  which  I  know  you  must  have  felt  for  your  heavy  losses. 
But  it  is  not  for  man  to  scan  the  wisdom  of  Providence.  The  best 
he  can  do,  is  to  submit  to  its  decrees.  Reason,  Religion,  &  Philo 
sophy  teaches  us  to  do  this,  but 't  is  time  alone  that  can  ameliorate 
the  pangs  of  humanity  &  soften  its  woes. 

"  To  the  wearied  traveller  who  sees  a  resting-place  and  is  bending 
his  body  to  lean  thereon,  I  now  compare  myself ;  but  to  be  suffered 
to  do  this  in  peace  is,  I  perceive,  too  much  to  be  endured  by  some. 
To  misrepresent  my  motives ;  to  reprobate  my  politics  ;  and  to 
weaken  the  confidence  which  has  been  reposed  in  my  administration 
are  objects  which  cannot  be  relinquished  by  those  who  will  be  satis 
fied  with  nothing  short  of  a  change  in  our  political  System.  The 
consolation,  however,  which  results  from  conscious  rectitude,  and 
the  approving  voice  of  my  Country,  unequivocally  expressed  by  its 
Representatives,  deprives  their  sting  of  its  poison,  and  places  in  the 
same  point  of  view  both  the  weakness  and  the  malignity  of  their 
efforts. 

"  Although  the  prospect  of  retirement  is  most  grateful  to  my  soul, 
and  I  have  not  a  wish  to  mix  again  in  the  great  world  or  to  partake 
of  its  politics,  yet,  I  am  not  without  my  regrets  at  parting  with  (per 
haps  never  more  to  meet),  the  few  intimates  whom  I  love, — among 
those  be  assured  you  are  one. 

"  The  account  given  by  Mr.  Bingham,*  and  others,  of  your  agree 
able  situation  at  St.  George's  gave  me  infinite  pleasure  ;  and  no  one 

*  Senator  Wm.  Bingham  of  Pennsylvania,  an  intimate  friend  of 
Knox's. 


The  Return  of  Cincinnatus        247 


wishes  more  sincerely  than  I  do  that  they  may  increase  with  your 
years.  The  remainder  of  my  life  (which  in  the  course  of  nature 
cannot  be  long),  will  be  occupied  in  rural  amusements,  and  though 
I  shall  seclude  myself  from  the  noisy  and  bustling  crowd,  none  more 
than  myself  would  ba  regaled  by  the  company  of  those  I  esteem,  at 
Mount  Vernon,  more  than  20  miles  from  which,  after  I  arrive  there, 
it  is  not  likely  I  shall  ever  be." 

After  describing  the  events  which  are  to  take 
place  during  the  following  week,  when  he  is  to  give 
formal  farewell  of  the  diplomatic  corps,  the  heads 
of  the  departments,  etc.,  Washington  says  he  will 
witness  the  inauguration  of  his  successor,  Mr.  John 
Adams,  and  then  take  his  leave.  He  thus  concludes  : 

"  Mrs.  Washington  unites  with  me  in  every  good  wish  for  you, 
Mrs.  Knox,  and  family  ;  and  with  truth,  I  am  yours  always  and 
affectionately,  GEO.  WASHINGTON." 

Twelve  children  were  born  to  General  and  Mrs. 
Knox.  Of  these,  nine  died  in  infancy  or  at  an 
early  age.  One  son,  Harry  Jackson,  lived  to  matur 
ity  and  was  married,  but  died  without  issue,  so  that 
the  name  of  Knox  disappeared  from  his  direct  line  of 
descent.  Two  daughters,  Lucy  Flucker  and  Caro 
line,  survived  their  parents.  Lucy,  the  eldest,  born 
in  1/76,  married  Mr.  Ebenezer  Thatcher  ;  and 
Caroline  married  first,  James  Swan,  of  Dorchester, 
Mass.,  and,  second,  John  Holmes,  of  Alfred,  Maine, 
who  was  the  first  United  States  Senator  elected 
from  that  State.  Harry  Jackson  Knox  was  nomin 
ated  a  midshipman  in  the  United  States  navy, 
during  his  father's  lifetime,  but  failed  of  confirm 
ation  by  the  Senate.  He  did,  however,  subsequently 
enter  the  navy,  and  his  after-life  was  eccentric  and 


248  Henry  Knox  [1795- 

not  altogether  creditable  to  the  illustrious  name  he 
bore.  In  his  last  years,  he  became  deeply  religious, 
and  he  regarded  with  remorse  his  misuse  of  time  and 
his  failure  to  sustain  the  dignity  of  the  Knox  family. 
In  token  of  this  repentance,  he  directed  that  he 
should  be  buried  in  the  Thomaston  burying-ground 
in  a  grave  of  great  depth,  and  that  no  memorial 
should  mark  his  last  resting-place.  This  request 
was  carried  out,  and  only  an  iron  fence  denotes  the 
spot  where  he  was  entombed. 

The  Columbia  Centincl,  of  April  27,  1796,  noting 
the  death  of  two  of  the  Knox  children,  who  were 
taken  on  the  same  day,  says:  "  Seven  healthy, 
blooming  children  have  been  torn  almost  as  sud 
denly  from  the  same  fond  parents,  who,  with  lacer 
ated  hearts,  hang  over  the  bed  of  another  child, 
labouring  under  the  same  disease."  The  fatal  dis 
temper  which  wrought  so  much  grief  in  the  Knox 
household  was  then  known  as  "  putrid  sore  throat  "  ; 
and  is  now  better  known  and  more  successfully 
treated  as  diphtheria.  The  same  newspaper,  sub 
sequently  chronicling  the  death  of  the  child  who 
was  ill  when  her  brother  and  sister  were  taken  away, 
said:  "  To  support  the  death  of  so  lovely  a  child, 
added  to  the  loss  of  eight  others,  requires  the  com 
bined  efforts  of  Reason,  Philosophy,  and  Religion ; 
for  she  possessed  all  the  amiable  qualities  of  the  head 
and  heart,  to  promise  the  highest  satisfaction  and 
comfort  to  her  friends  and  parents."  In  the  Ccnti- 
nely  a  few  days  later,  appears  a  tender  and  sympa 
thetic  elegiac  poem,  inscribed  Aux  manes  de  Julia 
Knox  from  the  pen  of  "  A  Scientific  Foreigner." 


i soo]      The  Return  of  Cincinnatus        249 

Among  the  numerous  correspondents  of  General 
Knox  none  was  more  intimate  and  confiding  than 
John  Adams,  the  second  President  of  the  United 
States.  We  have  seen  how  confidential  was  this 
statesman  in  his  communications  with  Knox,  during 
the  Revolutionary  period.  This  intimacy  was  main 
tained  as  long  as  the  two  men  lived.  A  letter  from 
Adams  to  Knox,  written  just  after  the  President's 
inauguration,  is  an  amusing  example  of  what  one  of 
his  biographers*  calls  his  "  truculent  letters  about 
men."  Knox  had  written  to  Adams  congratulating 
him  on  his  success  in  the  recent  presidential  elec 
tion.  Adams,  in  his  reply,  acknowledges  that  he 
would  have  been  mortified  if  he  had  been  defeated. 
"  But,"  he  adds,  "  to  see  such  a  character  as  Jeffer 
son,  and  much  more  such  an  unknown  Being  as 
Pinckney,  brought  over  my  head  and  trampling  on 
the  Bellies  of  hundreds  of  other  Men  infinitely  his 
Superiors  in  Talents,  Services,  and  Reputation, 
filled  me  with  apprehension  for  the  Safety  of  us  all. 
.  .  .  We  should  have  been  set  afloat  and  landed 
the  Lord  knows  where."  f  His  reference  to  Jeffer 
son  as  "  the  first  Prince  of  the  Country  and  the 
Heir  Apparent  to  the  Sovereign  Authority  is  a 
caustic  comment,  and  a  prophecy  to  be  later  ful 
filled.  The  times  have  not  greatly  changed  since 
John  Adams  told  Henry  Knox  that  "  To  a  French 
man  the  most  important  man  in  the  world  is  him 
self,  and  the  most  important  Nation  is  France. 
He  thinks  France  ought  to  govern  all  Nations, 

*  Rev.  Theodore  Parker, 
f  See  Appendix. 


250  Henry  Knox  [1795- 

and  that  he  ought  to  govern  France."  No 
wonder  that  Adams,  at  the  close  of  this  enter 
taining  epistle,  cautions  Knox  that  "  This  is  all  in 
confidence." 

But,  notwithstanding  Adams's  aversion  to  Pinck- 
ney,  when  war  with  France  seemed  inevitable,  in 
1798,  he  found  it  necessary*  to  appoint  this  "  un 
known  Being  to  a  major-generalship  in  the  provis 
ional  army  then  raised.  Washington  was  appointed 
lieutenant-general,  and  Alexander  Hamilton,  C. 
C.  Pinckney,  and  Henry  Knox  major-generals,  in 
the  order  thus  given.  How  far  Knox's  old  friend, 
President  Adams,  was  influenced  by  others  in  the 
choice  which  placed  him  third  in  the  list,  cannot 
now  be  ascertained.  But  Knox,  naturally  enough, 
was  mortified  and  indignant  that  he  should  be 
placed  after  those  who  had  been  his  juniors  in  rank 
during  the  late  war.  Pinckney,  on  the  other  hand, 
had  outranked  Hamilton  during  that  war,  having 
been  made  a  brigadier  by  brevet  just  before  its 
close,  whereas  Hamilton  had  never  been  ranked 
higher  than  lieutenant-colonel.  As  Pinckney  was 
then  absent  in  Europe,  he  was  absolved  from  all 
suspicion  of  having  influenced  the  strange  choice  of 
Adams.  And  when  he  heard  that  Knox  was  wrath 
ful  at  Pinckney's  being  second  to  his  own  third,  he 
offered  to  give  place  to  him;  but  Knox's  continued 

*  Harrison  Gray  Otis,  who  was  a  Member  of  Congress  at  this 
time,  says  in  his  reminiscences  .  "  Mr.  Adams,  however,  did  not 
conceal  his  preference  for  Knox,  nor  his  chagrin  at  being  overruled; 
and  he  imputed  this,  not  to  the  decided  predilection  of  Washington, 
but  to  a  cabal  of  his  cabinet  ministers," 


The  Return  of  Cincinnatus        251 


indignation  subsequently  induced  Pinckney  to  with 
draw  even  that  offer. 

Washington  had  made  his  own  acceptance  of  the 
lieutenant-generalship  conditional  on  his  being  first 
consulted  in  the  choice  of  staff  and  general  officers. 
It  is  not  certain  that  he  was  so  consulted  in  this 
instance.  Knox  wrote  to  Washington  protesting 
against  a  reversal  of  the  order  of  precedence,  and 
Washington's  reply  to  his  former  chief  of  artillery 
was  conciliatory  and  explanatory,  the  explanation 
being  that  the  army  as  now  organised  was  not  in 
any  way  to  be  regarded  as  having  any  connection 
with  the  old  army  ;  rank  was  to  be  determined  by 
present  needs,  not  by  past  arrangements.  Knox's 
letter  was  sent  to  Hamilton  by  Washington,  and 
Hamilton  manifested  a  disposition  to  place  upon 
others  the  responsibility  for  this  unfortunate  com 
plication.  As  Washington  had  delicately  intimated 
that  he  was  unwilling  to  wound  the  feelings  of 
Knox,  Hamilton  wrote  to  the  latter  as  follows  : 

"My  judgment  tells  me  that  I  ought  to  be  silent  on  a  certain 
subject,  but  my  heart  advises  otherwise,  and  my  heart  has  always 
been  the  master  of  my  judgment.  Believe  me,  I  have  felt  much  pain 
at  the  idea  that  any  circumstance  personal  to  me  should  have  de 
prived  the  public  of  your  services  or  occasioned  you  the  smallest 
dissatisfaction.  Be  persuaded,  also,  that  the  views  of  others,  not 
my  own,  have  given  shape  to  what  has  take'n  place,  and  that  there 
has  been  a  serious  struggle  between  my  respect  and  esteem  for  you 
and  the  impression  of  duty.  This  sounds,  I  know,  like  affectation, 
but  it  is,  nevertheless,  the  truth." 

The  upshot  of  the  matter  was  that  although  Hamil 
ton  reluctantly  offered  to  leave  the  arrangements 


252  Henry  Knox  [1795- 

wholly  in  the  hands  of  Washington,  Pinckney's 
withdrawal  of  his  offer  to  go  below  Knox  induced 
that  war-worn  veteran  to  persist  in  declining  any 
place  in  the  provisional  army ;  Adams's  Cabinet 
insisted  that  Pinckney  should  outrank  Hamilton, 
and  it  was  not  until  Washington  intimated  that  a 
failure  to  place  Hamilton  above  Pinckney  would  be 
regarded  by  himself  as  a  breach  of  an  existing 
agreement,  that  Hamilton's  preference  was  ac 
quiesced  in  by  the  President's  advisors.  Knox  still 
remained  the  Cincinnatus  of  his  fields,  devoting  his 
energies  to  redeeming  them  from  debt.  In  a  letter 
to  Washington,  in  1/99,  he  said:  "  I  am  here  [at 
Thomaston],  and  should  be  more  happy  in  my  pur 
suits  than  I  have  ever  been,  were  some  embarrass 
ments  entirely  dissipated.  But  this  will  require 
time.  My  estate,  with  indulgence,  is  competent, 
and  greatly  more,  to  the  discharge  of  every  cent  I 
owe.  ...  I  pray  that  your  days  on  earth  may 
be  days  of  felicity,  without  clouds,  sickness,  or 
sorrow. ' ' 

This  letter  was  dated  December  22d,  eight  days 
after  the  illustrious  Washington  had  breathed  his 
last.  But  the  slowness  with  which  the  mails  were 
then  carried  about  the  country  had  kept  Knox  in 
ignorance  of  the  event  that  deprived  the  young  Re 
public  of  the  advice  and  counsel  of  Washington. 
Three  months  later,  writing  to  his  old  friend,  Gen 
eral  David  Cobb,*  who,  at  one  time,  had  been  a 

*  David  Cobb  was  a  member  of  the  Massachusetts  Provincial  Con 
gress,  1775  ;  2d  Lieutenant-Colonel  in  the  Massachusetts  Regular 
Militia  from  May  to  December,  1775  >  Lieutenant-Colonel  in  i6th 


The  Return  of  Cincinnatus        253 


member  of  his  military  family,  he  expressed  himself 
as  entirely  reconciled  to  the  dignified  exit  of  their 
former  chieftain.  He  said  of  Washington:  "  He 
exhibited  a  most  glorious  setting  sun;  and  the 
people  of  the  United  States  have  exhibited  human 
nature  in  its  brilliant  attitudes  by  their  gratitude. 
His  death  and  the  testimonials  of  respect  will  be  an 
excellent  stimulus  to  future  patriotism."  Knox 
was  by  no  means  thus  self-contained  when  the 
tidings  of  the  tragical  death  of  his  much-loved 
Hamilton  came  to  him,  in  July,  1804.  The  bluff 
man  of  war  broke  out  into  a  most  violent  and  un 
controllable  agony  of  grief  and  tears. 

General  Cobb,  like  several  others  of  the  Revolu 
tionary  worthies,  sought  to  recover  his  wasted 
fortunes  by  taking  up  his  residence  in  the  promising 
land  of  the  District  of  Maine.  In  a  letter  to  Knox, 
to  which  the  above  quotation  was  written  in  reply, 
Cobb  referred  to  his  downcast  condition  of  mind; 
whereupon  Knox  says  : 

"You  mention  that  your  spirits  are  not  good.  P'or  God's  sake 
bear  up  against  the  devil  of  Gloom.  Put  yourself  in  motion.  Visit 


Massachusetts  Continental  Infantry  ;  Lieutenant-Colonel  in  Col. 
Harry  Jackson's  regiment,  from  Jan.  12,  1777,  to  Dec.  31,  1780; 
Lieutenant-Colonel  gih  Massachusetts  Continental  Infantry,  1781  ; 
Aide  to  General  Washington  from  1781  to  1783  ;  Lieutenant-Colonel 
commanding  5th  Regular  Massachusetts  Line,  1783  ;  Brevet-Briga 
dier-General,  Sept.  30,  1783  ;  and  served  to  the  close  of  the  war. 
He  was  later  chosen  to  fill  two  terms  of  Lieutenant-Govern  or  of 
Massachusetts,  and  then  two  terms  in  the  National  Congress  from 
the  Bristol  district  of  that  State.  He  was  serving  as  judge  at  Taun- 
ton  during  the  Shays  rebellion  and  made  for  himself  a  name  in  the 
judicial  resistance  to  the  mob. 


254 


Henry  Knox 


[iSoo] 


even  me  if  you  can  find  nothing  better.  Get  Willich,  a  new  author 
on  diet  and  regimen  ;  but  above  all,  get — on  horseback. 

"  I  shall  have  bright  days  yet.  My  daughter  had  been  there  [in 
Boston]  for  two  months.  She  returned  with  me.  Mrs.  K.  and 
Caroline  stayed  at  home,  which  is  to  me,  after  all,  the  most  agreeable 
place,  provided  I  had  you  and  a  few  other  friends  near  me. 

"Bonaparte,  what  a  glorious  fellow!  how  completely  he  has 
averted  the  monster  anarchy  and  mad  democracy  !  I  hope  in  God 
that  no  fanatic  will  assassinate  him,  which  is  to  be  dreaded." 

This  letter,  it  should  be  said,  was  written  in 
March,  1800,  while  Napoleon  Bonaparte  was  yet 
First  Consul,  and  nine  months  before  the  attempt 
was  made  to  kill  him  with  an  infernal  machine. 


CHAPTER  XII 


A   BUSY   LIFE   ENDED 


1806 


E  have  seen  how  the  advent  of  General 
Knox  into  the  community  where  he 
had  fixed  his  residence  was  regarded 
as  an  event  of  moment.  The  natural 
expectations  of  the  people  of 
Thomaston  were  not  disappointed.  The  dominat 
ing  personality  of  the  retired  soldier  and  statesman 
very  soon  exerted  a  pervasive  influence  in  every 
activity  of  the  country,  whether  social,  industrial, 
political,  or  religious.  His  was  a  commanding 
figure,  and  the  ample  generosity  of  his  house  set 
the  pace,  as  it  were,  for  those  whose  social  life  even 
distantly  imitated  his  own.  His  multifarious  enter 
prises  gave  employment  to  a  host  of  men,  quickened 
the  pulses  of  trade  and  commerce,  and  stimulated 
the  productive  energies  of  a  considerable  stretch  of 
sea-coast.  His  positive  opinions  and  zealous  public 
spirit  gave  him  a  preponderating  influence  in  the 
politics  of  the  time;  and  in  all  matters  pertaining 
to  the  maintenance  of  religious  ordinances  and 

255 


256  Henry  Knox  [1806 

beneficent  organisations,  Knox's  hand  and  Knox's 
name  were  always  foremost.  The  death  of  such  a  man 
meant  the  withdrawal  of  an  energising  force  from 
the  concerns  of  a  thrifty  and  growing  community. 

The  end  of  his  useful  career,  which  came  to  his 
neighbours  and  fellow-citizens  like  a  sudden  calam 
ity,  fell  on  the  25th  of  October,  1806.  The  General 
inadvertently  swallowed  a  small  fragment  of  chicken 
bone,  which,  lodging  in  the  intestinal  system,  caused 
mortification  and  death.  In  the  midst  of  his  mature 
years,  his  strenuous  labours  were  abruptly  discon 
tinued  ;  the  inventive  brain  and  diligent  hand  rested 
from  their  labours. 

General  Knox's  funeral  took  place  on  the  28th 
of  the  month,  and  was  celebrated  with  military 
honours.  After  services  in  the  mansion,  a  long 
procession,  headed  by  an  artillery  company,  a  com 
pany  of  cavalry,  and  one  of  infantry,  escorted  the 
remains  of  the  veteran  soldier  to  the  tomb  which 
had  been  constructed  under  the  General's  favourite 
oak  tree,  on  his  own  domain.  There  were  the 
usual  military  exercises  at  the  grave — volleys  of 
musketry  and  lowering  of  standards.  The  concourse 
of  sincerely  mourning  citizens  was  very  large,  and 
the  journals  of  the  day  published  in  various  parts  of 
New  England,  vied  with  each  other  in  paying  tributes 
of  honour  and  respect  to  the  hero,  who,  after  years  of 
arduous  service  "  in  the  imminent  deadly  breach  " 
and  in  the  tented  field,  rested  tranquilly  in  the  syl 
van  shade  of  his  beloved  Montpelier.  Later  changes 
in  the  management  and  ownership  of  the  estate 
necessitated  frequent  removals  of  this  burial-place, 


1806]  A  Busy  Life  Ended  257 

and  the  last  removal  left  the  grave  of  the  General  in 
the  cemetery  which  he  had,  in  his  lifetime,  given  to 
the  town  of  Thomaston.  A  severely  plain  shaft 
of  limestone  is  placed  over  the  grave  with  this 
inscription: 


THE  TOMB 

OF 
MAJOR-GENERAL 

HENRY   KNOX, 

WHO   DIED    OCT.  25TH,    1806, 
AGED    56  YEARS. 

"  'T  is  Fate's  decree  ;  Farewell,  thy  just  renown, 
The  Hero's  honour,  and  the  good  Man's  crown." 

On  the  south  side  of  the  same  column  are  carved 
the  names  of  Mrs.  Lucy  Knox,  widow,  who  died  in 
1824,  and  Caroline  Holmes  (daughter  of  General 
Knox  and  wife  of  Hon.  John  Holmes),  who  died  in 
1851.  The  graves  of  Senator  Holmes  and  General 
Knox's  second  son  are  within  the  same  enclosure. 
Senator  Holmes's  grave  is  unmarked.  In  one  of  the 
public  squares  of  Alfred,  Maine,  in  which  town  the 
Senator  spent  the  best  years  of  his  life,  is  a  monu 
ment  to  his  memory. 

The  General's  will  had  for  its  preamble  the  follow 
ing  unique  sentence,  in  which  the  testator,  after  the 
fashion  of  those  times,  declared  his  religious  belief: 

"  Know  all  men  by  these  presents  that  I,  Henry  Knox  of  Thomas- 
ton,  county  of  Lincoln,  Mass.,  but  at  this  time  [November  26,  1802] 
doing  business  in  Boston,  do  hereby  make  and  ordain  this  to  be  my 
17 


258  Henry  Knox  [1806 

last  will  and  testament.  First,  I  think  it  proper  to  express  my  un 
shaken  opinion  in  the  immortality  of  my  soul,  or  mind,  and  to  dedi 
cate  and  devote  the  same  to  the  Supreme  Head  of  the  Universe  ; 
to  that  great  and  tremendous  Jehovah  who  created  the  universal 
frame  of  nature,  worlds  and  systems  of  worlds  in  numbers  infinite, 
and  who  has  given  intellectual  existence  to  his  rational  beings  of 
each  globe,  who  are  perpetually  migrating  and  ascending  in  the  scale 
of  mind  according  to  certain  principles  always  founded  on  the  great 
basis  of  morality  and  virtue  ;  to  this  sublime  and  awful  Being  do  I 
resign  my  spirit,  with  unlimited  confidence  in  his  mercy  and  pro 
tection." 


Then  follow  directions  for  the  final  disposition  of 
the  estate  and  personal  effects,  an  inventory  of  which 
showed  a  valuation  (apart  from  all  real  estate  except 
that  immediately  around  the  mansion)  of  $100,000. 
The  house  and  furniture,  some  of  which  latter  was 
very  elegant,  were  valued  at  §42,656;  and  the  real 
estate  of  Montpelier,  with  carriages,  horses,  etc., 
were  appraised  at  $33,000.  In  the  inventory  were 
seven  carriages,  fifteen  horses,  and  a  number  of 
sleighs,  harnesses,  and  other  adjuncts  of  a  large 
riding  and  driving  establishment.  The  General's 
scale  of  living,  as  has  been  said,  was  generous.  In 
his  account  books  are  to  be  found  entries  of  madeira 
imported  from  Funchal  for  his  own  use,  and  of  rum 
and  spruce  beer  for  the  consumption  of  his  workmen. 
In  those  days  it  was  customary  for  employers  to 
make  provision  for  the  refreshment  of  their  employed 
as  well  as  for  their  payment  in  wages. 

At  the  death  of  Mrs.  Holmes,  in  1851,  the  only 
immediate  descendant  of  the  general  was  Mrs.  Lucy 
Knox  Thatcher,  then  a  widow.  With  her  daughter, 
Mrs.  Hyde,  she  resided,  until  her  death  in  1854,  in 


1806]  A  Busy  Life  Ended  259 

the  old  mansion  from  which  all  its  former  glories 
and  spirit  had  fled.  A  local  historian  says  that  up 
to  that  time 

"  enough  remained  to  show  that  the  house  had  been  the  home  of 
opulence  and  taste.  The  papering,  of  antique  style,  resembling 
tapestry,  with  figures  dressed  in  ancient  costumes,  was  in  good  pre 
servation  on  the  wide  halls  and  staircases  ;  the  general's  secretary, 
mirror-fronted,  with  gilded  handles  and  decorated  richly  with  inlaid 
work,  and  a  large  bookcase  in  the  same  style,  both  said  to  have  been 
brought  from  the  Tuileries  of  Paris  ;  the  state  bed  with  its  silken 
damask  draperies  ;  the  old-fashioned,  well-worn  sideboards  and  large 
round  table  ;  oval  mirrors  curiously  bordered  ;  Mrs.  Knox's  own  toilet 
glass,  an  admirable  portrait  of  Knox  [by  Gilbert  Stuart]  and  another 
of  Thomas  Flucker  [by  John  Singleton  Copley],  were  still  there.". 

But  the  ultimate  division  of  these  effects  made  ne 
cessary  a  sale  by  which  all  the  handsome  and  curious 
articles  were  dispersed.  Stuart's  portrait  finally 
became  the  property  of  the  city  of  Boston ;  that  of 
Knox's  father-in-law,  Secretary  Thomas  Flucker, 
adorns  the  walls  of  the  art  museum  of  Bowdoin 
College.  Some  of  the  objects  of  art  and  curiosity, 
whose  very  mention  would  make  a  modern  col 
lector's  mouth  water,  still  remain  in  the  hands  of 
Maine  people  who  revere  the  name  of  Knox  and 
cherish  fondly  the  memory  of  his  deeds. 

The  contemporaries  of  Knox,  some  of  them  illus 
trious  and  still  famous,  unite  in  according  to  him 
talents  of  a  high  order  and  a  character  of  marked 
attractiveness  and  versatility.  The  Marquis  de 
Chastellux,  whose  book  on  the  United  States  has 
been  already  mentioned,  says  of  him:  "  To  praise 
him  for  his  military  talents  alone  would  be  to  de 
prive  him  of  half  the  eulogium  he  merits;  a  man  of 


260  Henry  Knox  [1806 

understanding,  gay,  sincere,  and  honest— it  is  im 
possible  to  know  without  esteeming  him,  or  to  see 
without  loving  him, — thus  have  the  English  with 
out  intention  added  to  the  ornaments  of  the  human 
race,  by  awakening  talents  where  they  least  wished 
or  expected."  Dr.  Thacher,  in  his  Military  Jour 
nal,  says  that  Lord  Moira,  afterwards  Marquis  of 
Hastings,  the  accomplished  British  officer  who,  as 
General  Rawdon,  defeated  Greene  at  Hobkirk's 
Hill,  praised  in  high  terms  the  military  talents  of 
General  Knox.  Chief-Justice  Marshall,  in  his 
biography  of  Washington,  says  of  Knox: 

"  Throughout  the  contest  of  the  Revolution,  this  officer  continued 
at  the  head  of  the  American  artillery,  and  from  being  a  colonel,  had 
been  promoted  to  the  rank  of  major-general.  In  this  important  sta 
tion  he  preserved  a  high  military  character,  and  on  the  resignation 
of  General  Lincoln,  had  been  appointed  Secretary  of  War.  To  his 
great  services  and  to  unquestionable  integrity,  he  was  admitted  to 
unite  a  sound  understanding  ;  and  the  public  judgment  as  well  as 
that  of  the  chief  magistrate,  pronounced  him  in  all  respects  compet 
ent  to  the  station  he  filled.  The  President  was  highly  gratified  in 
believing  that  his  public  duty  comported  with  his  private  inclination, 
in  nominating  General  Knox  to  the  office  that  had  been  conferred 
upon  him  under  the  former  government." 

Dr.  Thacher,  who  knew  Knox  well,  says : 

"  Long  will  he  be  remembered  as  the  ornament  of  every  circle  in 
which  he  moved,  as  the  amiable  and  enlightened  companion,  the 
generous  friend,  the  man  of  feeling  and  benevolence  ; — his  convers 
ation  was  animated  and  cheerful,  and  he  imparted  an  interest  to 
every  subject  that  he  touched.  In  his  gayest  moments  he  never  lost 
sight  of  dignity  ; — he  invited  confidence,  but  repelled  familiarity. 
His  imagination  was  brilliant,  his  conceptions  lofty,  and  no  man 
ever  possessed  the  power  of  embodying  his  thoughts  in  more  vigor 
ous  language  ;  when  ardently  engaged,  they  were  peculiarly  bold 


THOMAS  FLUCKER. 

FROM    THE   PAINTING    BY    JOHN    SINGLETON    COPLEY,    IN    THE   ART    COLLECTION    IN 
BOWDOIN    COLLEGE. 


o 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 


i8o6]  A  Busy  Life  Ended  261 

and  original,  and  you  irresistibly  felt  in  his  society  that  his  intellect 
was  not  of  the  ordinary  class.  Yet  no  man  was  more  unassuming,  none 
more  delicately  alive  to  the  feelings  of  others.  He  had  the  peculiar 
talent  of  rendering  all  who  were  with  him  happy  in  themselves  ;  and 
no  one  ever  more  feelingly  enjoyed  the  happiness  of  those  around 
him.  Philanthropy  rilled  his  heart  ;  in  his  benevolence  there  was  no 
reserve — it  was  as  diffusive  as  the  globe,  as  extensive  as  the  family 
of  man." 

A  more  elaborate  pen  picture  of  Knox  is  given  by 
William  Sullivan  in  his  Familiar  Letters  on  Public 
Characters  and  Events  from  1783  to  1815.  The 
writer  says : 

"  He  was  a  large,  full  man,  above  the  middle  stature  ;  his  lower 
limbs  inclined  a  very  little  outward,  so  that  in  walking  his  feet  were 
nearly  parallel.  His  hair  was  short  in  front,  standing  up  and  pow 
dered  and  queued.  His  forehead  was  low  ;  his  face,  large  and  full 
below  ;  his  eyes,  rather  small,  grey  and  brilliant.  The  expression 
of  his  face  was  altogether  a  very  fine  one. 

"  When  moving  along  the  street,  he  had  an  air  of  grandeur  and 
self-complacency,  but  it  wounded  no  man's  self-love.  He  carried 
a  large  cane  but  not  to  aid  his  steps  ;  and  sometimes,  when  he  hap 
pened  to  stop  and  engage  in  conversation  with  his  accustomed  ar 
dour,  his  cane  was  used  to  flourish  with,  to  aid  his  eloquence.  He 
was  usually  dressed  in  black.  In  the  summer  he  commonly  carried 
a  light  silk  hat  in  his  hand  while  walking  in  the  shade.  When  en 
gaged  in  conversation,  he  used  to  wind  and  unwind  the  black  silk 
handkerchief  which  he  wore  wrapped  around  his  mutilated  hand, 
but  not  so  as  to  show  its  disfigurement. 

"When  thinking,  he  looked  like  one  of  his  own  heavy  pieces, 
which  would  surely  do  execution  when  discharged  ;  when  speaking, 
his  face  had  a  noble  expression,  and  was  capable  of  displaying  the 
most  benignant  feeling.  This  was  the  true  character  of  his  heart. 
His  voice  was  strong  and  no  one  could  hear  it  without  feeling  that 
it  had  been  accustomed  to  command.  The  mind  of  Knox  was 
powerful,  rapid  and  decisive,  and  he  could  employ  it  continuously 
and  effectively.  His  natural  propensity  was  highly  social,  and  no 
man  better  enjoyed  a  hearty  laugh. 

"  He  had  a  brilliant  imagination,  and  no  less  brilliant  modes  of 


262  Henry  Knox  [1806 

expression.  His  conception  of  the  power  and  glory  of  the  Creator 
of  the  universe  were  of  an  exalted  character.  The  immortality  of 
the  soul  was  not  with  him  a  matter  of  induction,  but  a  sentiment  or 
a  fact,  no  more  to  be  questioned  than  his  own  earthly  existence. 
He  said  that  he  had  through  life  left  his  bed  at  dawn,  and  had 
always  been  a  cheerful  and  happy  man." 

Cyrus  Eaton,  in  his  History  of  T/wmaston,  speaks 
of  Knox  as  "  The  leading  man  of  the  parish,  the 
benefactor  of  the  town,  the  life  of  the  business  com 
munity,  the  friend  of  virtue,  his  country,  and  the 
human  race."  Among  other  anecdotes  narrated  of 
Knox,  Eaton  gives  one  which  evinces  the  keen  per 
ception  of  the  General.  In  his  day,  it  was  customary 
for  the  legal  voters  of  a  parish  to  be  assessed  for  the 
costs  of  the  preaching  of  the  gospel  in  the  parish 
church,  with  certain  exemptions.  General  Knox 
was  one  of  the  members  of  the  committee  on  the 
supplying  of  the  pulpit,  and  being  suspicious  of  the 
sincerity  of  a  preacher,  the  Rev.  W.  H.  H.  Chealy, 
he  ventured  to  advise  against  his  permanent  settle 
ment.  Knox  thought  that  the  clergyman  had  too 
much  to  say  about  himself  and  his  own  achieve 
ments,  and  he  added:  "  Even  Cicero  could  never 
speak  of  himself  without  appearing  ridiculous." 
Open  accusations  being  brought  against  Mr.  Chealy, 
General  Knox  declared  that  "  the  minister  of 
Thomaston  must  be,  like  Caesar's  wife,  not  only 
pure,  but  unsuspected."  The  reverend  gentleman 
was  subsequently  discharged;  and  he  justified  some 
of  the  suspicions  entertained  of  him  by  going  into 
the  business  of  rurnselling  in  Boston. 

The  General  was  accustomed  to  use  very  forci 
ble  language  on  occasion.  It  is  related  of  him 


A  Busy  Life  Ended  263 

that,  having  a  dispute  with  a  man  who  had  as 
he  thought,  made  an  overcharge  of  four  shillings 
and  sixpence  in  his  bill,  the  General  stoutly  de 
clared  that  this  small  amount  was  in  excess  of 
the  honest  charge  ;  whereupon  the  man  offered 
to  make  oath  that  the  invoice  was  true.  Knox, 
drawing  himself  up  to  the  full  of  his  imposing 
height,  said,  in  solemn  tones,  "  Well,  if  you  are 
willing  to  risk  your  immortal  soul  for  four  and  six 
pence,  do  it,  in  the  name  of  God!"  The  man 
quailed  before  that  awful  voice  and  fled  precipitately 
from  the  presence. 

The  Rev.  Thurston  Whiting,  who  for  a  time  sup 
plied  the  Thomaston  pulpit,  was,  for  some  reason, 
an  object  of  aversion  to  Mrs.  Knox.  On  one  occa 
sion,  the  parson  being  invited  to  the  General's  house 
to  dine,  Mrs.  Knox  preceded  the  company  to  the 
dining-room  and  seated  herself  at  the  table.  It  was 
the  custom  of  the  time  to  say  grace  standing,  and 
the  General  said,  "  Rise,  my  dear,  and  the  parson 
will  ask  a  blessing."  Mrs.  Knox  made  no  motion, 
and  the  General  repeated  the  remark;  and  still  the 
lady,  smiling,  kept  her  seat;  whereupon  General 
Knox,  "  with  something  of  that  stentorian  voice 
that  rose  above  the  tempest  at  the  battle  of  Tren 
ton,"  said,  "  Rise — my — dear — the  parson  is  going 
to  ask  a  blessing !  "  The  lady,  still  smiling,  remained 
unmoved,  and  the  parson  invoked  the  blessing  with 
out  more  being  said  or  done. 

Harrison  Gray  Otis,  who  was  associated  with 
Knox  while  the  General  was  Secretary  of  War  and 
Otis  was  a  member  of  Congress,  says : 


264  Henry  Knox 

"As  Knox's  matrimonial  connection  was  a  love-match,  and  both 
parties  possessed  great  good  sense  and  were  proud  of  each  other,  it 
was  understood  by  their  friends  that  their  mutual  attachment  had 
never  waned.  It  was,  however,  well-known  that  they  frequently 
differed  in  opinion  upon  the  current  trifles  of  the  day,  and  that  the 
ira  amantium,  though  always  followed  by  the  integratio  amoris, 
were  not  infrequent,  and  that  in  those  petty  skirmishes  our  friend 
showed  his  generalship  by  a  skilful  retreat.  On  one  occasion,  at  a 
very  large  dinner-party  at  their  own  house,  the  cloths  having  been 
removed,  the  general  ordered  the  servants  to  take  away  the  woollen 
cover,  which  Madam,  in  an  audible  voice,  prohibited.  He  then 
instantly,  addressing  the  whole  circle,  observed  :  '  This  subject  of 
the  undercloth  is  the  only  one  on  which  Mrs.  Knox  and  I  have 
differed  since  our  marriage.'  The  archness  and  good  humour  of 
this  appeal  to  the  company  were  irresistible,  and  produced,  as  was 
intended,  a  general  merriment." 

An  old  resident  of  Thomaston  has  related  how, 
when  he  was  a  lad,  he  was  loitering  about  the  Knox 
mansion  while  a  great  festivity  was  in  progress 
within.  To  give  pleasure  to  the  large  company  as 
sembled,  General  Knox  had  ordered  from  his  stables 
a  number  of  saddle-horses  for  a  ride  through  the 
grounds  and  park.  Among  the  animals  thus  sad 
dled  and  brought  to  the  house  was  Mrs.  Knox's 
favourite  horse,  and,  in  the  presence  of  the  assem 
bled  company,  the  lady  turned  to  the  General 
and  asked  why  her  horse  had  been  brought  up. 
He  replied  that  it  was  brought  for  the  use  of  one  of 
the  guests.  To  the  mortification  of  the  General,  she 
protested  against  the  use  of  her  horse  by  anybody 
but  herself;  and  she  did  not  propose  to  ride.  Call 
ing  to  the  groom,  the  General  said,  '"  John,  put 
Mrs.  Knox's  horse  in  the  stable,  and  do  not  take  it 
out  again  until  God  Almighty,  or  Mrs.  Knox,  tells 
you  to." 


iso6]  A  Busy  Life  Ended  265 

The  General's  full  habit  has  already  been  noted, 
and  it  is  recorded  *  of  him  that  his  weight,  in  1783, 
was  the  greatest  of  eleven  distinguished  officers  of 
the  army,  being  280  pounds,  Washington's  weight 
being  set  down  at  209  pounds.  With  a  Captain 
Sargent,  he  was  selected  to  present  the  hard  case  of 
the  starving  and  naked  men  at  Valley  Forge  to  the 
attention  of  a  committee  of  Congress.  One  of  the 
Congressmen,  willing  to  show  his  wit  and  sarcasm, 
said  that  he  had  never  seen  a  fatter  man  than  Gen 
eral  Knox  nor  a  better  dressed  man  than  his  as 
sociate.  Knox  managed  to  keep  his  temper  and 
remained  silent,  but  his  subordinate  retorted  :  "  The 
corps,  out  of  respect  to  Congress,  and  themselves, 
have  sent  as  their  representatives  the  only  man  who 
had  an  ounce  of  superfluous  flesh  on  his  body  and 
the  only  other  who  possessed  a  complete  suit  of 
clothes." 

It  is  evident  that  the  sanguine  temperament  of 
General  Knox  was  the  cause  of  the  misfortunes  that 
clouded  his  later  years.  Harrison  Gray  Otis,  in  his 
reminiscences  of  him,  says: 

"When  this  great  and  good  man  left  the  Federal  cabinet,  he  be 
came  a  victim  to  anticipation.  Coming  into  possession  of  large 
tracts  of  land  in  Maine,  he  expected  to  accelerate,  and  to  realise  in 
a  few  years,  not  merely  the  growth  and  prosperity  which  Maine  has 
now  attained,  but  the  high  destination  to  which  she  may  probably 
arrive  in  another  half-century.  His  own  palace  raised  in  the  woods 
was  a  beau  ideal  only  of  the  '  castles  in  the  air '  which  floated  in  his 
ardent  imagination  ;  and  his  projects  of  improvement  and  civilisation 
were  worthy  of  Peter  the  Great,  and  would  have  required  no  incon 
siderable  portion  of  Peter's  resources  to  be  carried  into  effect.  He 

*  Winthrop  Sargent's  Life  of  Major  John  AndrJ. 


266  Henry  Knox  [iso6 

regarded  his  lime-kilns  as  mines  of  gold,  and  his  standing  timber  as 
if  cut  and  dried  in  the  markets  of  Boston." 

This  foible  in  the  character  of  the  great  man  was 
overlooked  by  the  people  who  were  his  fellow-towns 
men  and  his  most  intimate  friends  and  neighbours. 
His  genius  will  be  respected  by  future  generations 
of  patriotic  Americans;  his  example  as  a  lover  of  his 
country  —  able,  incorruptible,  and  devoted  —  may 
well  be  commended  to  the  emulation  of  those  who, 
though  they  may  not  be  so  richly  endowed  as  he, 
may  desire  to  live  so  that  they  shall  serve  well  the 
land  that  bore  them. 

Henry  Knox  deserved  the  eulogium  with  which  a 
local  bard,  during  his  lifetime,  apostrophised  him: 

"  Raised  by  thy  toils  the  brazen  bulwark  stands, 
Thy  care  creates  it,  and  thy  voice  commands  ; — 
Yet  as  the  truly  brave  are  truly  kind, 
And  mildest  manners  mark  the  noblest  mind, 
So,  while  a  country's  wrongs  thy  spirit  fires. 
And  patriot  ardour  every  deed  inspires, 
Not  more  in  arms  revered  than  loved  by  fame 
For  every  worth  the  social  virtues  claim, — 
In  war,  the  terror  of  the  blazing  line, 
In  peace,  the  soul  of  gentleness  is  thine." 


APPENDIX 

GENERAL   KNOX   TO   THE    PRESIDENT   OF   THE 
COUNCIL   OF   MASSACHUSETTS 

CAMP  NEAR  SCIIUYLKILL,  i3th  Sept.,  1777. 

SIR: 

I  do  myself  the  honour  to  transmit  to  you  an  account 
of  an  action  which  happened  between  the  American  and 
the  British  troops,  the  nth  instant,  on  the  heights  of 
Brandywine. 

Brandywine  is  a  creek  which  empties  itself  into  the 
Delaware,  near  Wilmington,  about  thirty  miles  from 
Philadelphia.  On  the  Qth  instant  our  army  took  post 
about  eleven  miles  up  this  creek,  having  it  in  front  at  a 
place  called  Chad's  Ford,  that  being  the  most  probable 
route  by  which  the  enemy  would  endeavour  to  pass  to 
Philadelphia.  The  enemy  on  the  loth  advanced  to 
Kennet  Square,  within  three  miles  of  our  advanced 
parties,  and  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  nth 
a  considerable  body  of  their  army  appeared  opposite  to 
us.  Immediately  a  heavy  cannonade  commenced,  and 
lasted  with  spirit  for  above  two  hours,  and  more  or  less 
the  whole  day.  Our  advanced  light  corps,  under  Gen 
eral  Maxwell,  engaged  the  advanced  parties  of  the  enemy 
on  the  other  side  of  the  creek  with  success,  having  twice 
repulsed  them,  and  entirely  dispersed  a  body  of  three 

267 


268  Henry  Knox 

hundred  Hessians.  This  light  corps  was  engaged  with 
their  advanced  parties  almost  through  the  day.  At  the 
same  time  this  body  advanced  opposite  to  our  army, 
another  large  column,  consisting  of  the  British  and  Hes 
sian  grenadiers,  light  infantry,  and  some  brigades,  took 
a  circuitous  route  of  six  miles  to  our  right,  and  crossed 
the  creeks  at  the  forks  of  Brandywine.  His  Excellency, 
General  Washington,  notwithstanding  his  utmost  exer 
tions  to  obtain  intelligence,  had  very  contradictory  ac 
counts  of  the  numbers  and  destination  of  this  column 
until  it  had  crossed  the  creek  six  miles  to  our  right.  He 
immediately  ordered  General  Sullivan's,  Lord  Stirling's, 
and  General  Stephen's  divisions  to  advance  and  attack 
them.  This  was  about  three  o'clock  P.M.  These  divi 
sions,  having  advanced  about  three  miles,  fell  in  with  the 
enemy,  who  were  also  advancing.  Both  sides  pushed 
for  a  hill  situated  in  the  middle. 

The  contest  became  exceedingly  severe,  and  lasted 
without  intermission  for  an  hour  and  a  half,  when  our 
troops  began  to  give  way,  having,  many  of  them, 
expended  all  their  cartridges. 

His  Excellency,  who  in  the  beginning  of  this  action 
galloped  to  the  right,  ordered  Greene's  division  and 
N ash's  brigade  from  the  left;  but,  the  distance  being  so 
great,  the  other  divisions  had  retreated  before  they 
arrived.  However,  they  formed  and  were  of  the  utmost 
service  in  covering  the  retreat  of  the  other  divisions, 
particularly  Weedon's  brigade  of  Greene's  division, 
which  behaved  to  admiration  in  an  excessive  hot  fire, 
checked  the  British  grenadiers,  and  finally,  after  dark, 
came  off  in  great  order. 

While  this  scene  was  acting  on  the  right,  the  enemy 
opened  a  battery  on  the  left  of  seven  pieces  of  cannon 
opposite  to  one  of  ours  of  the  same  number.  General 


Appendix  269 

Wayne,  with  a  division  of  the  Pennsylvania  troops,  hav 
ing  Maxwell's  light  corps  on  his  left,  and  Nash's  brigade 
(which  was  afterward  drawn  off  to  support  the  right 
wing)  on  his  right,  formed  the  left  wing.  The  enemy's 
batteries  and  ours  kept  up  an  incessant  cannonade,  and 
formed  such  a  column  of  smoke  that  the  British  troops 
passed  the  creek  unperceived  on  the  right  of  the  battery, 
on  the  ground  which  was  left  unoccupied  by  the  with 
drawal  of  Nash's  brigade. 

A  very  severe  action  immediately  commenced  between 
General  Wayne  and  the  enemy,  who  had  now  got  posses 
sion  of  a  height  opposite  to  him.  They  made  several 
efforts  to  pass  the  low  grounds  between  them,  and  were 
as  frequently  repulsed.  Night  coming  on,  his  Excel 
lency,  the  General,  gave  orders  for  a  retreat,  which  was 
regularly  effected  without  the  least  attempt  of  the  enemy 
to  pursue.  Our  troops  that  night  retired  to  Chester,  and 
will  now  take  post  in  such  a  manner  as  best  to  cover 
Philadelphia. 

It  is  difficult  at  present  to  ascertain  our  loss;  but, 
from  the  most  particular  inquiry  I  have  been  able  to 
make,  it  will  not  exceed  seven  hundred  or  eight  hundred 
killed,  wounded,  and  missing,  and  ten  field-pieces. 

KNOX'S  DRAFT  OF  AN  ADDRESS  TO  WASHINGTON, 
IN  REPLY  TO  THE  GENERAL'S  FAREWELL  AD 
DRESS  TO  THE  ARMY 

All  the  officers  of  the  part  of  the  army  remaining  on 
the  banks  of  the  Hudson  have  received  your  Excellency's 
Serious  and  Farewell  Address  to  the  Armies  of  the 
United  States.  We  beg  your  acceptance  of  our  unfeigned 
thanks  for  the  communication  and  your  affectionate  pro 
fessions  of  inviolable  attachment  and  friendship.  If 


2/o  Henry  Knox 

your  attempts  to  insure  them  the  just,  the  promised  re 
wards  of  their  long,  severe,  and  dangerous  services  have 
failed  of  success,  we  believe  it  has  arisen  from  causes 
not  in  your  Excellency's  power  to  control.  With  extreme 
regret  do  we  reflect  on  the  occasion  which  called  for  such 
endeavours.  But,  while  we  thank  your  Excellency  for 
these  exertions  in  favour  of  the  troops  you  have  so  suc 
cessfully  commanded,  we  pray  it  may  be  believed  that  in 
this  sentiment  our  own  particular  interests  have  but  a 
secondary  place;  and  that  even  the  ultimate  ingratitude 
of  the  people  (were  that  possible)  would  not  shake  the 
patriotism  of  those  who  suffer  by  it.  Still  with  pleasing 
wonder  and  grateful  joy  shall  we  contemplate  the  glorious 
conclusion  of  our  labours.  To  that  merit  in  the  Revol 
ution,  which,  under  the  auspices  of  Heaven,  the  army 
have  displayed,  posterity  will  do  justice:  and  the  sons 
will  blush  whose  fathers  were  their  foes.  Most  gladly 
would  we  cast  a  veil  on  every  act  that  sullies  the  reputa 
tion  of  our  country.  Never  should  the  page  of  history 
be  stained  with  its  dishonour,  even  from  our  memories 
should  the  idea  be  erased.  We  lament  the  opposition 
to  those  salutary  measures  which  the  wisdom  of  the 
Union  has  planned, — measures  which  alone  can  recover 
and  fix  on  a  permanent  basis  the  credit  of  the  States, — 
measures  which  are  essential  to  the  justice,  the  honour, 
and  interest  of  the  nation.  While  she  was  giving  the 
noblest  proofs  of  magnanimity,  with  conscious  pride  we 
saw  her  growing  fame;  and,  regardless  of  present  suffer 
ings,  we  looked  forward  to  the  end  of  our  toils  and 
dangers,  to  brighter  scenes  in  prospect.  There  we  be 
held  the  Genius  of  our  country  dignified  by  sovereignty 
and  independence,  supported  by  justice,  and  adorned 
with  every  liberal  virtue.  There  we  saw  patient  Hus 
bandry  fearless  extend  her  cultured  fields,  and  animated 


Appendix  271 

Commerce  spread  her  sails  to  every  wind  that  blows. 
There  we  beheld  fair  Science  lift  her  head,  with  all  the 
arts  attending  in  her  train.  There,  blest  with  Freedom, 
we  saw  the  human  mind  expand;  and,  throwing  aside 
the  restraints  which  confined  us  to  the  narrow  bounds  of 
country,  it  embraced  the  World.  Such  were  our  fond 
hopes;  and  with  such  delightful  prospects  did  they  pre 
sent  us.  Nor  are  we  disappointed.  Those  animating 
prospects  are  now  changed  and  changing  to  realities; 
and  actively  to  have  contributed  to  their  production  is 
our  pride,  our  glory.  But  Justice  alone  can  give  them 
Stability.  In  that  Justice  we  still  believe.  Still  we  hope 
that  the  prejudices  of  the  misinformed  will  be  removed, 
and  the  arts  of  false  and  selfish  popularity,  addressed  to 
the  feelings  of  avarice,  defeated,  or  in  the  worst  event, 
the  world,  we  hope,  will  mark  the  just  distinction.  We 
trust  the  disingenuousness  of  a  few  will  not  sully  the 
reputation,  the  honour,  the  dignity  of  the  great  and 
respectable  majority  of  the  States. 

We  are  happy  in  the  opportunity  just  presented  of  con 
gratulating  your  Excellency  on  the  certain  conclusion  of 
the  definitive  treaty  of  Peace.  Relieved  at  length  from 
long  suspense,  our  warmest  wish  is  to  return  to  the 
bosom  of  our  country,  to  resume  the  character  of  citi 
zens;  and  it  will  be  our  highest  ambition  to  become 
useful  ones. 

To  your  Excellency,  this  great  event  must  be  peculiarly 
pleasing;  for  while  at  the  head  of  her  armies,  urged  by 
patriot  virtues  and  magnanimity,  you  steadily  persevered, 
under  the  pressure  of  every  possible  difficulty  and  dis 
couragement,  in  the  pursuit  of  the  great  objects  of  the 
war, — the  freedom  and  safety  of  your  country, — your 
heart  panted  for  the  tranquil  enjoyments  of  peace.  We 
cordially  rejoice  with  you  that  the  period  of  indulging 


272  Henry  Knox 

them  has  arrived  so  soon.  In  contemplating  the  bless 
ings  of  liberty  and  independence,  the  rich  prize  of  eight 
years'  hardy  adventure,  past  sufferings  will  be  forgotten; 
or,  if  remembered,  the  recollection  will  serve  to  heighten 
the  relish  of  present  happiness.  We  sincerely  pray  God 
this  happiness  may  long  be  yours;  and  that  when  you 
quit  the  stage  of  human  life  you  may  receive  from  the 
Unerring  Judge  the  rewards  of  valour  exerted  to  save  the 
oppressed,  of  patriotism  and  disinterested  virtue. 


TON     RESPECTING    THE     FORMATION     OF     THE 
FEDERAL   GOVERNMENT 

BOSTON,  3 ist  Jan.,  1785. 

Your  remarks  on  the  present  situation  of  our  country 
are  indeed  too  just.  The  different  States  have  not  only 
different  views  of  the  same  subject,  but  some  of  them 
have  views  that  sooner  or  later  must  involve  the  country 
in  all  the  horrors  of  civil  war.  If  there  is  any  good 
policy  which  pervades  generally  our  public  measures,  it 
is  too  mysterious  to  be  comprehended  by  people  out  of 
the  cabinet.  A  neglect  in  every  State  of  those  principles 
which  lead  to  union  and  national  greatness,  an  adoption 
of  local  in  preference  to  general  measures,  appear  to 
actuate  the  greater  part  of  the  State  politicians.  We  are 
entirely  destitute  of  those  traits  which  should  stamp  us 
one  nation,  and  the  Constitution  of  Congress  does  not 
promise  any  capital  alteration  for  the  better.  Great 
measures  will  not  be  carried  in  Congress  so  much  by  the 
propriety,  utility,  and  necessity  of  the  thing,  but  as  a 
matter  of  compromise  for  something  else,  which  may  be 
evil  itself,  or  have  a  tendency  to  evil.  This  perhaps  is 


Appendix .  273 

not  so  much  the  fault  of  the  members  as  a  defect  of  the 
confederation.  Every  State  considers  its  representative 
in  Congress  not  so  much  the  legislator  of  the  whole 
Union  as  its  own  immediate  agent  or  ambassador  to 
negotiate,  and  to  endeavour  to  create  in  Congress  as 
great  an  influence  as  possible  to  favour  particular  views, 
etc.  With  a  Constitution  productive  of  such  disposi 
tions,  is  it  possible  that  the  Americans  can  ever  rival  the 
Roman  name  ?  The  operation  of  opening  the  navigation 
of  the  rivers  so  as  to  communicate  with  the  Western 
States  is  truly  noble;  and,  if  successful,  of  which  I  hope 
there  is  no  doubt,  it  must  be  followed  by  the  most  ex 
tensively  beneficial  consequences,  which  will  increase  in 
exact  proportion  to  the  increase  of  the  population  of  the 
country.  I  am  pleased  that  you  interest  yourself  so 
much  in  this  great  work. 

You  are  so  good  as  to  ask  whether  General  Lincoln 
and  myself  had  an  agreeable  tour  to  the  eastward,  and 
whether  the  State  societies  are  making  moves  towards 
obtaining  charters.  We  went  to  the  eastern  line  of  this 
State,  and  found  that  the  British  had  made  excessive  en 
croachments  on  our  territories.  There  are  three  rivers 
in  the  Bay  of  Passamaquoddy,  to  which  the  British  have 
within  twenty  years  past,  with  a  view  to  confound  the 
business,  given  the  name  of  St.  Croix.  But  the  ancient 
St.  Croix  is  the  eastern  river.  The  British  have  settled 
and  built  a  considerable  town  called  St.  Andrews  on 
the  middle  river,  which  has  always  sustained  among 
the  people  in  that  country  the  Indian  name  Schudac.  The 
proper  St.  Croix  and  the  Schudac  are  only  nine  miles 
distant  at  their  mouths.  They  run  into  the  country 
about  sixty  miles,  and  they  diverge  from  each  other  so 
much,  that  although  at  their  mouths  they  are  only  nine 
miles  apart,  yet  at  their  sources  they  are  one  hundred 


2 74  Henry  Knox 

miles  distant  from  each  other;  and  it  is  from  the  source 
the  north  line  to  the  mountains  is  to  begin.  The  mount 
ains  are  distant  from  the  source  about  eighty  or  one 
hundred  miles;  so  that  the  difference  to  this  State  is  one 
hundred  miles  square  above  the  heads  of  the  rivers, 
and  the  land  between  the  rivers,  which  must  be  sixty 
by  fifty  miles  square.  Our  Legislature  have  transmitted 
the  report  we  made  on  this  business  to  Congress  and  the 
Governor  of  Nova  Scotia.  The  matter  has  been  involved 
designedly  by  the  British  in  such  a  manner  that  it  can 
now  be  settled  only  by  commissioners  mutually  ap 
pointed  for  that  purpose.  I  have  seen  a  letter  from  Mr. 
John  Adams,  dated  last  October,  which  mentions  that 
the  river  meant  by  the  treaty  of  peace  was  decidedly 
the  river  next  to  St.  John's  River  westward;  and  there 
are  plenty  of  proofs  that  the  ancient  St.  Croix  was  next 
to  St.  John's.  I  have  been  particular  in  this  narration, 
that  you  may  know  the  precise  state  of  this  affair,  which 
it  is  probable  will  sooner  or  later  occasion  much  con 
versation. 

As  to  the  Cincinnati,  the  objections  against  it  are  ap 
parently  removed.  But  I  believe  none  have  yet  applied 
for  charters.  In  this  State  it  is  pretty  evident  from  com 
municating  with  the  members  of  the  Legislature  that  we 
should  not  succeed.  However,  we  shall  attempt  it  pre 
vious  to  our  next  meeting  in  July. 

PLAN  FOR  A  GENERAL  GOVERNMENT 

NEW  YORK,  i.|th  Jan.,  1787. 

Notwithstanding  the  contrary  opinions  respecting  the 
proposed  Convention,  were  I  to  presume  to  give  my  own 
judgment  it  would  be  in  favour  of  the  Convention,  and 
I  sincerely  hope  that  it  may  be  generally  attended.  In 


Appendix  275 

my  former  letters  I  mentioned  tHat  men  of  reflection 
and  principles  were  tired  of  the  imbecilities  of  the  present 
government,  but  I  did  not  point  out  any  substitute.  It 
would  be  prudent  to  form  the  plan  of  a  new  house  before 
we  pull  down  the  old  one.  The  subject  has  not  been 
sufficiently  discussed  as  yet  in  public  to  decide  precisely 
on  the  form  of  the  edifice.  It  is  out  of  all  question  that 
the  foundation  must  be  of  republican  principles,  but  so 
modified  and  wrought  together  that  whatever  shall  be 
erected  thereon  should  be  durable  and  efficient.  I  speak 
entirely  of  the  federal  government,  or,  which  would  be 
better,  one  government  instead  of  an  association  of  gov 
ernments.  Were  it  possible  to  effect  a  general  govern 
ment  of  this  kind,  it  might  be  constituted  of  an  Assembly 
or  Lower  House,  chosen  for  one,  two,  or  three  years;  a 
Senate,  chosen  for  five,  six,  or  seven  years;  and  the 
Executive,  under  the  title  of  Governor-General,  chosen 
by  the  Assembly  and  Senate  for  the  term  of  seven  years, 
but  liable  to  an  impeachment  of  the  Lower  House  and 
triable  by  the  Senate;  a  Judiciary,  to  be  appointed  by 
the  Governor-General  during  good  behaviour,  but  im- 
peachable  by  the  Lower  House  and  triable  by  Senate; 
the  laws  passed  by  the  general  government  to  be  obeyed 
by  the  local  governments,  and,  if  necessary,  to  be  en 
forced  by  a  body  of  armed  men,  to  be  kept  for  the  pur 
poses  which  should  be  designated;  all  national  objects 
to  be  designed  and  executed  by  the  general  government 
without  any  reference  to  the  local  governments.  This 
rude  sketch  is  considered  as  the  government  of  the  least 
possible  powers  to  preserve  the  confederated  govern 
ments.  To  attempt  to  establish  less  will  be  to  hazard 
the  existence  of  republicanism,  and  to  subject  us  either 
to  a  division  of  the  European  powers,  or  to  a  despotism 
arising  from  high-handed  commotions. 


276  Henry  Knox 

I  have  thus,  my  dear  sir,  obeyed  what  seemed  to  be 
your  desire,  and  given  you  the  ideas  which  have  pre 
sented  themselves  from  reflection,  and  the  opinion  of 
others.  May  Heaven  direct  us  to  the  best  means  for  the 
dignity  and  happiness  of  the  United  States. 

JOHN  ADAMS  TO  GENERAL  KNOX 

[This  letter  was  written  by  President  Adams  in  reply  to 
one  from  Knox,  in  which  the  General  had  congratulated 
Adams  on  his  elevation  to  the  presidency,  and,  in  order 
to  remove  the  possibility  of  war  with  France,  then  im 
minent,  had  made  several  suggestions,  one  of  which  was 
the  appointment  of  Jefferson  as  special  envoy  to  the 
French  Republic.] 

PHILADELPHIA,  March  30,  1797. 
DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  received  with  much  pleasure  your  favour  of  the 
1 9th.  If  I  should  meet  with  any  "  Roses  "  in  my  path, 
I  shall  thank  you  for  your  congratulations,  and  also  when 
I  set  my  foot  on  "  thorns,"  as  I  certainly  shall,  I  will 
thank  you  equally  for  your  condolence.  But  when  you 
assure  me  that  you  "  feel  confidence  in  the  Safety  of 
our  political  bark,"  you  give  me  much  comfort,  and  I 
pray  you  may  not  be  disappointed. 

It  is  a  delicate  thing  for  me  to  speak  of  the  late  elec 
tion.  To  myself  personally,  my  "  elevation  "  might  be 
a  matter  of  indifference  or  rather  of  aversion.  Had  Mr. 
Jay,  or  some  others,  been  in  question,  it  might  have  less 
mortified  my  vanity,  and  infinitely  less  alarmed  my  ap 
prehensions  for  the  Public.  But  to  see  such  a  character 
as  Jefferson,  and  much  more  such  an  unknown  Being  as 
Pinckney,  brought  over  my  head  and  trampling  on  the 


Appendix  277 

Bellies  of  hundreds  of  other  Men  infinitely  his  Superiors 
in  Talents,  Services,  and  Reputation,  filled  me  with  ap 
prehensions  for  the  safety  of  us  all.  It  demonstrated 
to  me  that,  if  the  Project  succeeded,  our  Constitution 
could  not  last  four  years;  we  should  have  been  set  afloat 
and  landed  the  Lord  knows  where. 

That  must  be  a  Sordid  People  indeed,  a  People  desti 
tute  of  a  sense  of  honour,  Equity,  and  Character,  that 
could  submit  to  be  governed,  and  see  hundreds  of  its 
most  meritorious  Public  Men,  governed  by  a  Pinckney 
under  an  elective  Government.  Hereditary  Govern 
ment,  when  it  imposes  young,  new,  inexperienced  Men 
upon  the  Public,  has  its  Compensations  and  equivalents; 
but  elective  Governments  have  none.  I  mean  by  this 
no  disrespect  to  Mr.  Pinckney.  I  believe  him  a  worthy 
Man.  I  speak  only  by  comparison  with  others. 

I  have  it  much  at  heart  to  settle  all  disputes  with 
France,  and  nothing  shall  be  wanting  on  my  Part  to  ac 
complish  it,  except  a  violation  of  our  faith  and  a  Sacrifice 
of  our  Honour.  But,  old  as  I  am,  war  is  even  to  me  less 
dreadful  than  Iniquity  or  deserved  disgrace.  Nothing 
can  be  done  of  much  moment  in  the  way  of  even  nego 
tiation  without  the  Senate,  and  nothing  else  without 
Congress. 

Your  Project  has  been  long  ago  considered  and  deter 
mined  upon.  Mr.  Jefferson  would  not  go.  His  reasons 
are  obvious.  He  has  a  station  assigned  him  here,  by  the 
Nation,  which  he  has  no  right  to  quit,  nor  have  I  any 
right  to  call  him  from.  I  may  hereafter  communicate  to 
you  what  I  have  never  communicated  to  any  other,  what 
has  passed  upon  that  subject.  The  Circumstance  of 
Rank  is  too  much.  We  shall  never  be  respected  in 
Europe  while  we  confound  Ranks  in  this  manner  in 
their  Eyes.  The  Chief  Justice  was  too  much  to  send 


278  Henry  Knox 

to  England.  I  have  Plans  in  Contemplation  that  I  dare 
say  will  satisfy  you,  when  they  come  to  be  developed. 
I  regret  the  time  that  must  be  lost  before  the  Senate 
and  Representatives  can  assemble. 

If  we  wish  not  to  be  degraded  in  the  Eyes  of  Foreigners, 
we  must  not  degrade  ourselves.  What  would  have  been 
thought  in  Europe,  if  the  King  of  France  had  sent  Mon 
sieur,  his  Eldest  Brother,  as  an  Envoy  ?  What  of  the 
King  of  England,  if  he  had  sent  the  Prince  of  Wales  ? 
Mr.  Jefferson,  in  essence,  is  in  the  same  situation.  He 
is  the  first  Prince  of  the  Country,  and  the  Heir  Apparent 
to  the  Sovereign  Authority,  quoad  hoc.  His  considera 
tion  in  France  is  nothing.  They  consider  nobody  but 
themselves.  Their  apparent  respect  and  real  Contempt 
for  all  Men,  and  all  Nations  but  Frenchmen  are  pro 
verbial  among  themselves.  They  think  it  is  in  their 
power  to  give  Characters  and  destroy  Characters  as  they 
please,  and  they  have  no  other  rule  but  to  give  Reputa 
tions  to  their  Tools,  and  to  destroy  the  reputations  of  all 
who  will  not  be  their  tools.  Their  efforts  to  "  popular 
ise  "  Jefferson  and  "  depopularise  "  Washington  are  all 
upon  this  Principle.  To  a  Frenchman  the  most  import 
ant  Man  in  the  world  is  himself,  and  the  most  important 
Nation  is  France.  He  thinks  France  ought  to  govern  all 
Nations,  and  that  he  ought  to  govern  France.  Every 
Man  and  Nation  that  agrees  to  this,  he  is  willing  to 
popularise.  Every  Man  and  Nation  that  disputes  or 
doubts  it,  he  will  depopularise  if  he  can. 

This  is  in  all  confidence  from,  Sir,  your  most 
humble  servant, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
GENERAL  KNOX. 


INDEX 


Adams,  John,  at  Lexington,  29  ; 
letter  to  Knox,  35  ;  ditto  con 
cerning  army  promotions,  61  ; 
peace  commissioner,  64  ;  ditto 
concerning  his  own  election 
to  presidency,  249  and  Ap 
pendix  ;  appoints  Hamilton 
and  Pinckney  over  Knox,  250 

Alexandria,  Va.,  convention  at, 
198 

Algerine  piracies,  224 

Andre,  John,  meets  Knox,  41  ; 
his  plunder  from  Franklin's 
library,  118  ;  his  trial  and  exe 
cution,  136-137 

Armstrong,  Major  John,  author 
of  Newburgh  addresses,  172 

Arnold,  Benedict,  at  Valley 
Forge,  117  ;  at  Philadelphia, 
121  ;  marriage,  and  a  previous 
courtship,  128-129 ;  charges 
against,  129  ;  his  treason,  136  ; 
tobacco-stealing  expedition  in 
Virginia,  138  ;  burns  Connecti 
cut  towns,  153 

Artillery  company,  Paddock's, 
in  Boston,  19 

Ashburton,  Lord,  241 

B 

Barlow,  Joel,  207 
Barras,  Admiral,  144 


Beaumetz,  Count,  241 
Bonaparte,  Napoleon,  254 
Boston,     "Massacre,"    7,    8; 
Knox's  bookstore   in,  9  ;   Port 
Bill,   15  ;  American   siege    of, 
31,  37  et  seq.  ;  Howe's  evacu 
ation  of,  46  ;  Knox  returns  to, 
187  ;     General    Lincoln    Col 
lector  of,  215 
Bounty -jumpers    in     American 

army,  94 

Brandywine,  battle  of,  103 
Brigadier's  Island,  Me.,  240 
Brooks,  John,  169 
Bunker  Hill,  battle  of,  31 
Burbeck,  William,  51 
Burgoyne's   surrender   at    Sara 
toga,  in 

Burr,  Aaron,  on  Putnam's  staff, 
55  ;  aids  Knox  in  retreat  from 
New  York,  67 
Bushnell's  torpedo,  68 


Cabinet, Washington's  first,  211— 

212 

Caldwell,  Rev.  James,  135 
Canal,  the  Cape  Cod,  243 
Carleton,  Sir  Guy,  177 
Castine,  the  Baron  de  St.,  188 
Chealy,  Rev.  W.  H.  H.,  262 
Chew  house,  siege  of,  108 
Cincinnati,   Society   of,    175     et 

seq. 


279 


280 


Index 


Clinton,  General  and  Governor, 
54  ;  prepares  for  evacuation 
of  New  York  by  British,  177  ; 
thanks  Knox,  180 

Clinton,  Sir  Henry,  supersedes 
Lord  Howe,  118;  withdraws 
troops  from  Cornwallis,  146 

Cobb,  Gen.  David,  at  York- 
town,  158  ;  Knox's  letter  to, 
252-253 

Cochran,  Mrs.  John,  147 

Concord  and  Lexington,  begin 
ning  of  troubles  at,  29,  30 

Congress,  soldiers'  memorial  to, 
168  ;  ratifies  new  Constitution, 
203 ;  authorises  building  of 
six  frigates,  215,  224 

Constitutional  convention  at 
Philadelphia,  202,  203 

Constitution  finally  ratified,  204 

"  Conway  cabal,"  the,  115 

Copper,  Knox's,  mining  scheme, 
243 

Cornwallis,  Lord,  goes  up  the 
Hudson,  75  ;  at  Trenton,  77  ; 
enters  Philadelphia,  107  ;  re 
turns  to  New  Jersey,  112; 
clash  between  him  and  Clin 
ton,  142  ;  opens  negotiations, 
and  surrender  at  Yorktown, 
158  el  seq. 

Cutler,  Dr.  Manasseh,  217 


D 


Dauphin,  birthday  of  the,  cele 
brated,  167 
Deane,     Silas,     his    mission     to 

France,  90 
D'Kstaing,   Count,   arrives  with 

French  fleet,  124-125 
De    Grasse,    144  ;    his    fleet    in 

Chesapeake  Bay,  153;  penury 

of  his  daughters,  244 
De  Kalb,  Baron,  joins  American 

army,  102 
Ducoudray,   ready  to  supersede 

Knox,  91 ;  subsequent  career, 

93 


Dudley,  Dorothy,  letter  describ 
ing  American  generals,  37 


Eastern  Land  Association,  235 
Eaton,  Cyrus,  historian  of  Thom- 

aston.  Me.,  232,  262 
Exchange  of  prisoners,   difficul 
ties  of,  164 


Falmouth,  the  burning  of,  44 

Flucker,  Miss  Lucy,  customer 
at  Knox's  store,  12  ;  marriage 
to  Knox,  22,  24 

Flucker,  Secretary  Thomas,  12, 
46  ;  younger  member  of  his 
family,  238  ;  portrait  of,  by 
Copley,  259 

France,  aids  American  patriots, 
90;  treaty  with  (1778),  116  ; 
French  troops  in  Philadel 
phia,  153 

Franklin,  Benj.,  peace  commis 
sioner,  64 

G 

Gage,  General,  threatens  to  seize 
arms  of  Boston  militia,  20  ; 
sends  military  force  to  Con 
cord,  29  ;  his  angry  proclama 
tion,  33 

Gates,  Gen.  Horatio,  appointed 
brigadier-general,  32  ;  arro 
gates  separate  command,  77  ; 
victory  at  Saratoga,  in  ;  pre 
sides  at  Newburgh  meeting, 

Genet,  Citizen,  his  intrigues  in 
America,  226  et  seq. 

Germantown,  battle  of,  108  ; 
Knox's  description  of,  109  et 
seq. 

Greene,  Geo.  Washington,  206 

Greene,  Nathanael,  General,  ap 
pointed  brigadier,  32  ;  letters 
to  Knox  concerning  capture 
of  Fort  Washington,  73  ;  with 


Index 


281 


Greene,  Nathanael —  Continued. 
Knox  in  New  Jersey,  88  ;  his 
letters    to    Knox    from    South 
Carolina,  151,   156,  162 

Gridley,    Richard,   artilleryman, 
34 


11 


Hale,  Nathan,  executed  as  a 
spy,  69 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  aide  to 
Washington,  54  ;  warns  Phila 
delphia  of  approach  of  Brit 
ish,  106  ;  proposes  national 
convention,  198  ;  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  212  ;  military 
rank  over  Knox,  250-251 

Hancock,  with  Adams  at  Lex 
ington,  29  ;  supports  the  new 
Constitution,  105 

Harlem  Heights,  Washington's 
headquarters  at,  69 

Heath,  William,  General,  32  ; 
his  brigadiers,  49 

Higginson,  Stephen,  199 

Howe,  British  admiral,  55 

Howe,  General,  and  Lord,  in 
command  at  Boston,  44 ; 
evacuates  Boston,  46  ;  ar 
rives  off  New  York,  55  ;  sends 
embassy  to  Washington,  58- 
59  ;  moves  against  Americans 
on  Harlem  Heights,  71  ;  is 
sues  proclamation  of  amnesty, 
76  ;  his  operations  in  New  Jer 
sey  as  described  by  Knox,  97 
et  seq.;  withdraws  to  New 
York,  101  ;  sails  for  Philadel 
phia,  102  ;  superseded  by  Clin 
ton,  118 

Howe,  General  Robert,  Ameri 
can,  141 


Indians,  Penobscot,  Knox's  er 
rand  to,  1 88  ;  Knox's  policy 
towards,  222  ;  Penobscots' 
visit  to  Montpelier,  240 


I 


Jackson,  Col.  Harry,  General 
Knox's  friend,  97  ;  in  Phila 
delphia,  121  ;  left  late  in  his 
command,  186;  Navy  Agent 
at  Boston,  215  ;  member  of 
Eastern  Land  Association, 
235  ;  his  boy  in  Knox's  charge, 
238 

Jay,  John,  Knox's  letter  to,  159 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  Secretary  of 
State,  212 

Jersey  Line,  mutiny  of,  140 

Jones,  Paul,   126 


K 


King,  Rufus,  199 

Knox,  Henry,  General  and 
Secretary  of  War  ;  the  ances 
tors  of,  2—3  ;  parentage  in 
America,  4  ;  apprenticeship 
in  Boston,  5  ;  boyhood,  6  ; 
witness  of  Boston  Massa 
cre,  7,  8 ;  loses  two  fingers, 
13  ;  his  books  from  London, 
1 6  ;  downfall  of  business,  1 8  ; 
his  letter  to  Longman,  19  ; 
serves  in  an  artillery  company, 
19  ;  in  a  grenadier  corps,  22  ; 
courtship  and  marriage,  22-24; 
flight  from  Boston,  30  ;  meets 
Washington,  32  ;  appointed 
colonel,  34  ;  expedition  to  Ti- 
conderoga,  38  et  seq.;  meets 
John  Andre,  41  ;  letter  to 
Washington  from  Norwich, 
Conn.,  51  ;  describes  panic 
in  New  York,  56-57  ;  letter 
describing  embassy  from  Howe 
to  Washington,  58  ;  criticises 
the  army,  70  ;  at  the  crossing 
of  the  Delaware  and  battle  of 
Trenton,  79  el  seq.;  appointed 
brigadier-general,  81  ;  de 
scribes  battle  of  Princeton,  83 
et  seq.  ;  advises  march  to 
Morristown,  86  ;  advises 


282 


Index 


Knox,  Henry — Continued. 

public  works  at  Springfield, 
Mass.,  87  ;  and  a  military 
academy,  88  ;  lays  out  defen 
sive  works  for  New  Jersey, 
88 ;  threatened  to  be  super 
seded  by  Ducoudray,  91  ; 
describes  Howe's  operations 
in  New  Jersey,  97  et  seq.  ; 
announces  British  entry  into 
Philadelphia,  107  ;  describes 
battle  of  Germantown  in  letter 
to  Gen.  Artemas  Ward,  109  ; 
advises  against  assault  on 
British  in  Philadelphia,  113 ; 
visits  Boston,  114;  in  Phila 
delphia,  119;  describes  battle 
of  Monmouth,  119,  120;  his 
ventures  in  privateering,  128  ; 
at  Camp  Pluckemin,  130: 
letters  to  General  Lincoln, 
133-134;  at  Hartford,  Conn., 
with  Washington  and  Lafay 
ette,  136  ;  member  of  the 
Andre  court-martial,  137; 
complains  of  difficulty  of 
obtaining  military  supplies, 

142  ;      attends    military    con 
ference  at  Wethersfield,  Conn., 

143  ;  letter   on    "  water-gruel 
government,"      147  ;    his    ac 
tivity      at      Yorktown,    155  ; 
account     of     Yorktown     sur 
render,  159  ;  appointed  major- 
general,     162  ;     letter      from 
Greene  to,  162  ;  commissioner 
for     exchange     of    prisoners, 
164  ;     confirmed     major-gen 
eral,     166 ;     headquarters     at 
West      Point,      167  ;     letters 
about    the   unpaid   army,   169 
ct  seq.;   action  on   Newburgh 
addresses,    173    et   stq.  ;  pro 
poses  Society  of  the  Cincinnati, 
175  et  seq.;  enters  New  York, 
178 ;    leaves   West    Point    for 
Boston,       187 ;     treats      with 
Penobscot        Indians,        188  ; 
Secretary   of   War,    189  ;    de 
scribes  Shays's  rebellion,  194 ; 


his  ideas  of  a  general  govern 
ment,  200 ;  explains  Massa 
chusetts'  position  on  the  new 
Constitution,  204  ;  sends  Gen 
eral  Greene's  son  to  France, 
206  ;  letter  concerning  Lafay 
ette's  son,  209  ;  letter  to  Rev. 
David  McClure,  209  ;  Secre 
tary  of  War  in  Washington's 
administration,  212  ;  advo 
cates  a  national  militia 
system,  213  ;  domestic  ex 
penses  in  New  York,  215 
et  seq.  ;  advocates  building  of 
a  navy  and  coast  defences, 
224 ;  in  the  suppression  of 
Whiskey  Rebellion,  227  et 
seq.  ;  resigns  his  office,  229  ; 
fixes  his  home  at  Thomaston, 
Me.,  232  ;  his  land  specula 
tions,  234  et  seq.  ;  his  in 
dustrial  enterprises,  239  ;  his 
distinguished  guests,  241  ; 
member  of  the  General  Court 
and  Governor's  Council,  242  ; 
copper-mining  schemes,  243  ; 
early  deaths  of  his  children, 
247 ;  affronted  by  being 
ranked  by  Hamilton  and 
Pinckney,  250 ;  death  and 
funeral,  256 ;  last  will  and 
testament,  257  ;  anecdotes 
and  personal  traits  of,  259 
et  seq. 

Knox,  Mrs.  Lucy,  birth  of  first 
child,  50 ;  leaves  New  York 
in  a  panic,  56  ;  her  criticism 
of  Connecticut  people,  60  ;  at 
Valley  Forge,  117  ;  letter  from 
Benedict  Arnold  to,  129; 
death  of  infant  daughter,  134; 
birthday  letter  from  her 
husband,  148  ;  at  Mt.  Vernon, 
157  ;  receives  news  of  York- 
town  surrender,  158  ;  death 
of,  257 

Knox,  William,  carries  on  his 
brother's  business  in  Boston, 
89  ;  joins  him  in  Philadelphia, 
106 ;  sent  to  Mt.  Vernon 


Index 


283 


Knox, William — Continued. 
with  news   of  Yorktown    sur 
render,  158 

Knoxville,  Term.,  223 


Lafayette,  General,  joins  the 
American  army,  102  ;  visits 
Hartford,  Conn.,  with  Wash 
ington  and  Knox,  136 ;  or 
dered  to  Virginia,  142  ;  his 
affection  for  Knox  and  Greene, 
189 ;  revisits  the  United 
States,  190 ;  his  son  named 
for  General  Washington,  209 

Land  patent,  the  Waldo,  234 

Lauzun,  Chevalier  de,  153 

Lee,  Charles,  appointed  major- 
general,  32  ;  in  command  of 
the  Southern  Department,  53; 
suspicious  conduct  of,  and 
capture  by  British,  77  ;  re 
primanded  by  Washington  at 
the  battle  of  Monmouth,  123  ; 
end  of  military  career,  124 

Lexington,  beginning  of  troubles 
at,  29 

Lincoln,  General  Benjamin,  at 
defence  of  Charleston,  S.  C., 
132-133  ;  Knox's  letters  to, 
133-134  ;  receives  British  sur 
render  at  Yorktown,  158  ; 
Secretary  of  War,  183  ;  re 
signs  his  office,  184  ;  collector 
of  customs  at  Boston,  215  ; 
financial  dealings  with  Knox, 
237 

Long  Island,  Americans  en 
trenched  on,  56  ;  battle  of,  62  ; 
retreat  of  Americans  from,  63 


M 


Machias,     Me.,     naval    engage 
ment  near,  44 
Maclay,  William,  221 
Maine,  wild  lands  in,  235 
Marshall,  Chief  Justice,  estimate 
of  Knox's  character,  26p 


Massachusetts,  action  on  the 
new  Constitution,  204  etseq. 

Middlebrook,  N.  J.,  American 
camp  at,  96  ;  Knox  writes 
from,  97  ;  return  of  army  to, 
132 

Military  academy,  Knox  advises 
establishment  of,  88  ;  Knox's, 
at  Pluckemin,  130 

Militia  system,  national,  Knox 
advises,  213 

Monmouth,  battle  of,  119; 
Washington  reprimands  Lee 
at,  123 

Montgomery,  Richard,  ap 
pointed  brigadier-general,  32  ; 
death  of,  50 

Montpelier,  Knox's  house  at,  cost 
of,  233 

Monvel,  Monsieur,  235 

Morris,  Gouverneur,  commis 
sioner  for  exchange  of  prison 
ers,  164 

Morristown,  American  army  en 
camped  at,  86  ;  winter  quar 
ters  at  (1779),  80,  134 

Morton,  Mrs.  Sarah,  poetry  of, 
48 

Mount  Vernon,  Washington  at, 
188 

Mutiny,  of  Pennsylvania  line, 
138  ;  of  New  Jersey  line, 
140 

Me 

McClure,  Rev.  David,  209 
McGillivray,  223 
McHenry,  Secretary,  225 


X 


Naval  victories  of  Americans,  127 
Navy,  Knox  advises  building  of, 

224 

New  York,  military  operations 
around  city  of,  49  ;  American 
retreat  from,  66  et  sey.  ;  great 
fire  in  (1776),  69  ;  Washing 
ton  proposes  new  operations 


284 


Index 


New  York — Continued. 

against,  143 ;  evacuation  by 
British,  178;  seat  of  govern 
ment  removed  from,  225 


Ogclen,  Colonel,  169 
Osgoodv  Samuel,  212 
Otis,  Harrison  Gray,  12,  265 


Paddock,  his  artillery  company, 
20 

Peace,  commissioners  from  Eng 
land,  117  ;  treaty  signed,  163  ; 
the  establishment  of,  iSietseg. 

Pennsylvania  line,  mutiny  of, 
133 

Penobscot,  Indian  s,  Knox's 
treaty  with,  188  ;  visit  Mont- 
pelier,  240 

Percy,  Lord,  28 

Pepperell,  Governor  William, 
234 

Philadelphia,  Howe  sails  from 
New  York  for,  101  ;  American 
army  enter,  102  ;  panic  in,  at 
approach  of  British,  106  ;  evac 
uation  of,  by  British,  118 ; 
Knox  enters,  119;  Harry 
Jackson  in,  121  ;  French  and 
American  armies  march 
through,  122  ;  seat  of  national 
government  in,  225 

Philippe,  Louis,  241 

Pickering,  Timothy,   225 

Pinckney,  C.  C.,  ranks  Knox, 
250  el  seq. 

Pluckemin,  N.  J.,  fete  at,  130 

Pomeroy.  Seth,  appointed  brig 
adier-general,  32 

Princeton,  battle  of,  83 

Privateering,  Knox's  ventures  in, 
127 

Putnam,  Israel,  appointed  ma 
jor-general,  32  ;  at  New  York, 
54 


R 


Randolph,  Edmund,  212 

Revere,  Paul,  patrol  in  Boston, 
27  ;  midnight  ride,  29  ;  fur 
nishes  bell  for  Knox,  244 

Rivington,  James,  ships  tea  to 
Knox,  15  ;  Tory  pamphlets 
from,  17  ;  his  printing-office 
wrecked  by  Americans,  50 

Rochambeau,  General,  arrives 
in  America,  135  ;  visited  by 
Washington  and  Knox,  143 ; 
his  army  marches  to  the  Hud 
son,  145 

Rochefoucauld,   Duke  de,  241 

Rutledge,  Edward,  64 


Saint  Croix  River,  disputed 
boundary  at,  189 

Saratoga,  victory  of,  in 

Schuyler,  Philip,  appointed  ma 
jor-general,  32 

Shays's  rebellion,  193  et  seq. 

Springfield,  Mass.,  Knox  advises 
works  at,  87 

Springfield,  N.  J.,  fight  at,  135 

Spencer,  Joseph,  appointed  brig 
adier-general,  32  ;  major-gen 
eral  and  his  brigadiers,  54 

Stirling,  Lord,  54  ;  taken  pris 
oner,  62 

Stuart,  Gilbert,  his  portrait  of 
Knox,  13,  259 

Sullivan,  John,  appointed  brig 
adier-general,  32  ;  taken  pris 
oner,  62  ;  charged  with  errand 
by  Lord  Howe,  63 

Sullivan,  William,  his  pen  pict 
ure  of  Knox,  261 


Talleyrand,  241 

Thomas,  John,  appointed  briga 
dier-general,  32  ;  at  the  siege 
of  Boston,  45  ;  death  of,  50 


Index 


285 


Thomaston,  Me.,  Knox  fixes  his 
residence  at,  232 

Thacher,  Dr.  James,  describes 
American  retreat  from  Long 
Island,  63  ;  march  to  Virginia 
through  Philadelphia,  152  ; 
estimate  of  Knox's  character, 
260 

Ticonderoga,  Knox's  expedition 
to,  38  et  seq. 

Torpedo,  Bushnell's,  68 

Tonnage  of  American  ships,  242 

Treaty  (of  1778),  with  France, 
116  ;  peace,  with  Great  Britain 
signed,  163 

Trenton,  battle  of,  79  et  seq. 

Try  on,  Governor,  flight  of,  50 

Trumbull,  Governor  of  Con 
necticut,  33 

Trumbull,  John,  proposed  pur 
chase  of  his  paintings,  244-245 


Valley  Forge,  painful  march  of 
American  army  to,  114  ;  cele 
bration  of  French  treaty  at, 
116  ;  Mrs.  Knox  at,  118 

Vose,  Captain,  Knox's  factor  at 
Montpelier,  241 


W 

Waldo,  General  Samuel,  234 

Ward,  General  Artemas,  Knox 
reports  to,  30 ;  appointed 
major-general,  32  ;  in  com 
mand  at  Dorchester  Heights, 
45  ;  Knox's  letter  to,  describing 
battle  of  Germantown,  109  et 
seq. 

War,  Secretary  of,  salary  of,  186  ; 
continued  office  of,  192  ;  func 
tions  of,  under  new  Constitu 
tion,  212,  213  ;  discussion  of 
emoluments  of,  217 

Washington,   Fort,     capture   of, 


by  British,  73;  General 
Greene's  letter  concerning  sur 
render,  74 

Washington,  George,  appointed 
commande  r-in-c  h  i  e  f ,  31  ; 
meets  Knox,  32  ;  letter  to 
Governor  Trumbull,  33  ;  to 
President  of  Congress,  34 ; 
friendship  for  Knox,  36  ;  en 
ters  Boston,  46 ;  at  Harlem 
Heights,  69;  warns  Gov. 
Livingston,  of  New  Jersey, 
76  ;  crosses  the  Delaware  into 
Pennsylvania,  77 ;  recrosses 
the  stream  and  drives  the 
British  out  of  Trenton,  78  et 
seq.;  protests  against  Knox  be 
ing  superseded  by  Ducoudray, 
92  ;  order  against  bounty- 
jumpers,  94  ;  reprimands  Lee, 
123 ;  compliments  Knox  at 
Monmouth,  124  ;  thanks  from 
Congress,  124  ;  camps  at 
White  Plains,  124  ;  attends 
fete  at  Pluckemin,  131  ;  visits 
Rochambeau  at  Hartford, 
Conn.,  136  ;  deals  with  Penn 
sylvania  and  New  Jersey  mu 
tineers.  140-141  ;  sends  requi 
sitions  to  Knox  for  '  'capital  op 
erations,"  142  ;  impressive  call 
from  a  Pennsylvania  patriarch, 
154  ;  in  Virginia,  156;  at  siege 
of  Yorktown,  161  ;  compli 
ments  Knox  on  artillery  serv 
ice,  162  ;  letter  on  disaffec 
tion  of  army  officers,  168  ; 
action  on  the  Newburgh  ad 
dresses,  172  ;  enters  New 
York,  178  ;  farewell  to  offi 
cers,  178-179;  advises  Knox 
of  Lincoln's  resignation  of 
office,  184  ;  retires  to  Mount 
Vernon,  188  ;  presides  over 
Constitutional  Convention, 
202  ;  President,  212  ;  -leaves 
public  life,  246  ;  death,  252 

West  Point,  celebration  at,  of 
the  Dauphin's  birthday,  157  ; 
Knox  in  command  at,  180 


286 


Index 


Wethersfield,  Conn.,  conference 

at,  143 

\Vhiting,  Rev.  Thurston,  263 
Whiskey     Insurrection,     227   et 

scq. 
Wooster,  General  David,  32 


Yorktown,  British  position  at, 
154  ;  siege  of,  begins,  155  ; 
surrender  of,  158 


TTTSTIVEB?" 


WORKS  ON  AMERICAN  HISTORY 


THE  LITERARY  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN 
REVOLUTION:  1763-1783 

By  Moses  Coit  Tyler,  Professor  of  American  History  in  Cornell  University,  and 
author  of  "A  History  of  American  Literature  during  the  Colonial  Time,"  etc. 
Two  volumes,  sold  separately.  Volume  I.— 1763-1776.  Volume  II.— 1776-1783. 
Large  octavo.  Each  ..........  $3  °° 

A  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  LITERATURE   DURING  THE 
COLONIAL  TIME 

By  Moses  Coit  Tyler,  Professor  of  American  History.  Cornell  University.  New 
edition  revised,  in  two  volumes.  Volume  I. — 1607-1676.  Volume  II. — 1676-1765. 

Each $2   50 

Agawam  edition,  2  vols.  in  one.     Octavo,  half  leather   ....  3  oo 

Half  calf  extra 5  °o 

THE  STORY  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR 

A  Concise  Account  of  the  War  in  the  United  States  of  America  between  1861 
and   1865.     By  John  Codman   Ropes,  Member  of  the   Massachusetts   Historical 
Society,  The  Military  Historical  Society  of  Massachusetts  ;  Fellow  of  the  Royal 
Historical   Society  ;    Author   of    "  The   First    Napoleon,"    "  The    Campaign  of 
Waterloo,"  etc.     To  be  complete  in  four  parts,  printed  in  four  octavo  volumes, 
with  comprehensive  maps  and  battle  plans.     Each  part  will  be  complete  in  itself, 
and  will  be  sold  separately. 

Part  I.     Narrative  of  Events  to  the  Opening  of  the  Campaign  of  1862.     With 
5  maps.     Octavo  ........         $i   50 

Part  II.     The  Campaigns  of  1862.     With  13  maps.     Octavo          .         .  250 

COMPARATIVE  ADMINISTRATIVE  LAW 

An  Analysis  of  the  Administrative  Systems  National  and  Local,  of  the  United 
States,  England,  France,  and  Germany.  By  F.  J.  Goodnow,  Professor  of  Admin 
istrative  Law  in  Columbia  College.  Part  I.  Organization.  Part  II.  Legal 
Relations.  2  vols.  Octavo.  Cloth,  each $2  50 

THE  FEDERALIST 

By  Alex.  Hamilton,  John  Jay,  and  James  Madison.  Being  a  Collection  of 
Essays  Written  in  Support  of  the  Constitution  Agreed  upon  September  17,  1787 
by  the  Federal  Convention.  Edited,  with  Introduction  and  Notes,  by  Henry 
Cabot  Lodge.  Octavo  ..........  $i  50 

AMERICAN  ORATIONS 

From  the  Colonial  Period  to  the  Present  Time,  selected  as  specimens  of 
eloquence,  and  with  special  reference  to  their  value  in  throwing  light  upon  the 
more  important  epochs  and  issues  of  American  History.  Edited  by  the  late 
Alexander  Johnston  of  the  College  of  New  Jersey.  Re-edited  with  new  material 
and  historical  notes  by  Professor  James  A.  Woodburn  of  Indiana  University. 
Four  volumes,  each  complete  in  itself  and  sold  separately.  i6mo,  gilt  top. 
Publication  now  completed.  Per  volume  .  ....  $i  25 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS.  Nx\v  YORK  AND  LONDON. 


Heroes  of  the  Nations, 


EDITED   BY 


EVELYN  ABBOTT,  M.A., 
FELLOW  OK  BALLIOL  COLLEGE,  OXFORD. 


A  SERIES  of  biographical  studies  of  the  lives  and  work 
of  a  number  of  representative  historical  characters  about 
whom  have  gathered  the  great  traditions  of  the  Nations 
to  which  they  belonged,  and  who  have  been  accepted,  in 
many  instances,  as  types  of  the  several  National  ideals. 
With  the  life  of  each  typical  character  will  be  presented 
a  picture  of  the  National  conditions  surrounding  him 
during  his  career. 

The  narratives  are  the  work  of  writers  who  are  recog 
nized  authorities  on  their  seveial  subjects,  and,  while 
thoroughly  trustworthy  as  history,  will  present  picturesque 
and  dramatic  "  stories  "  of  the  Men  and  of  the  events  con 
nected  with  them. 

To  the  Life  of  each  "  Hero  "  will  be  given  one  duo 
decimo  volume,  handsomely  printed  in  large  type,  pro 
vided  with  maps  and  adequately  illustrated  according  to 
the  special  requirements  of  the  several  subjects.  The 
volumes  will  be  sold  separately  as  follows  : 

Large  12°,  cloth  extra   .         .         .         .         .         .     $i   50 

Half  morocco,  uncut  edges,  gilt  top      .         .  I  75 


HEROES  OF  THE  NATIONS. 

Nelson,  and  the  Naval  Supremacy  of  England.     By  W.  CLARK  RUSSELL,  author  of 

"The Wreck  of  the  Grosvenor,"  etc. 
Gustavus  Adolphus,  and  the  Struggle  of  Protestantism  for  Existence.     By  C.  R. 

L.  FLETCHER,  M.A.,  late  Fellow  of  All  Souls'  College. 

Psricles,  and  the  Golden  Age  of  Athens.     By  EVELYN  ABBOTT,  M.A. 
Theodoric   the   Goth,    the    Barbarian   Chauipion   of  Civilisation.       By   THOMAS 

HODGKIN,  author  of  "  Italy  and  Her  Invaders,"  etc. 
Sir  Philip  Sidney,  and  the  Chivalry  of  England.     By  H.  R.  Fox-BouRNE,  author  of 

li  The  Life  of  John  Locke,"  etc. 
Julius   Caesar,    and  the   Organisation    of  the    Roman    Empire.        By   W.   WARD 

FOWLER,  M.A.,  Fellow  of  Lincoln  College,  Oxford. 
John  Wyclif,  Last  of  the  Schoolmen,  and  First  of  the  English  Reformers.     By 

LEWIS  SERGEANT,  author  of  "  New  Greece,"  etc. 
Napoleon,  "Warrior  and  Ruler,  and  the  Military  Supremacy  of  Revolutionary 

France.     By  W.  O'CONNOR  MORRIS. 

Henry  of  Navarre,  and  the  Huguenots  of  France.     By  P.  F.  WILLERT,  M.A.,  Fel 
low  of  Exeter  College,  Oxford. 
Cicero,  and  the  Fall  of  the  Roman  Republic.    By  J.  L.  STRACHAN-DAVIDSON,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  Balliol  College,  Oxford. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  and  the  Downfall  of  American  Slavery.     By  NOAH  BROOKS. 
Prince  Henry  (of  Portugal)  the  Navigator,  and  the  Age  of  Discovery.    By  C.  R. 

BEAZLEY,  Fellow  of  Merton  College,  Oxford. 
Julian  the  Philosopher,  and  the  Last  Struggle  of  Paganism  against  Christianity. 

By  ALICE  GARDNER. 
Louis  XIV.,  and  the  Zenith  of  the   French  Monarchy.      By  ARTHUR   HASSALL, 

M.A.,  Senior  Student  of  Christ  Church  College,  Oxford. 
Charles  XII.,  and  the  Collapse  of  the  Swedish  Empire,  1682-1719.      By  R.  NISBET 

BAIN. 
Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  and  Florence  in  the  isth  Century.      By  EDWARD  ARMSTRONG, 

M.A..  Fellow  of  Queen's  College,  Oxford. 

Jeanne  d'Arc.     Her  Life  and  Death.     By  Mrs.  OLIPHANT. 
Christopher  Columbus.     His  Life  and  Voyages.     By  WASHINGTON  IRVING. 
Robert  the  Bruce,  and  the  Struggle  for  Scottish  Independence.     By  Sir  HERBERT 

MAXWELL,  M.P. 
Hannibal,  Soldier,  Statesman,  Patriot ;  and  the  Crisis  of  the  Struggle  between 

Carthage  and  Rome.       By  W.  O'CONNOR   MORRIS,  Sometime   Scholar  of  Oriel 

College,  Oxford. 
Ulysses  S.  Grant,  and  the  Period  of  National  Preservation  and  Reconstruction, 

1822-1885.     By  Lieut. -Col.  WILLIAM  CONANT  CHURCH. 
Robert   E.  Lee,  and  the   Southern   Confederacy,    1807-1870.       By   Prof.    HENRY 

ALEXANDER  WHITE,  of  the  Washington  and  Lee  University. 
The  Cid  Campeador,  and  the  Waning  of  the  Crescent  in  the  "West.      By  H. 

BUTLER  CLARKE,  Fellow  of  St.  John's  College,  Oxford. 
Saladin,  and  the  Fall  of  the  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem.     By  STANLEY  LANE-POOLE, 

author  of  "  The  Moors  in  Spain,"  etc. 
Bismr  rck,  and  the  New  German  Empire.    How  it  Arose  and  What  it  Displaced. 

By  W,  J.  HEADLAM,  M.A.,  Fellow  of  King's  College. 

Charlemagne  (Charles  the  Great).     The  Hero  of  Two  Nations.     By  H.  W.  CAR- 
LESS  DAVIS,  M.A.,  Fellow  of  All  Souls'  College,  Oxford,  Sometime  Scholar  of  Balliol. 
Alexander  the  Great,  and  the  Extension  of  Greek  Rule  and  Greek  Ideas,  356-323 

B.C.     By  BENJAMIN  I.  WHEELER,  President  of  the  University  of  California. 
Daniel  O'Connell,  and  the  Revival  of  National  Life  in  Ireland.     By  ROBERT  DUN- 

LOP,  M.A. 

For  further  information  and  titles,  see  descriptive  circular. 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S   SONS,  NEW  YORK  AND  LONDON. 


WORKS   ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 


THE  NAVAL  WAR  OF  1812 

Or,  The  History  of  the  United  States  Navy  during  the  Last  War 
with  Great  Britain  ;  to  which  is  appended  an  account  of  the  Battle  of 
New  Orleans.  By  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT.  Seventh  Edition.  Octavo, 

$2.50 

THE  WRITINGS  OF  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Comprising  his  Diaries  and  his  Public  and  Private  Correspondence, 
including  numerous  letters  and  documents  now  for  the  first  time 
printed.  Edited  by  WORTHINGTON  CHAUNCEY  FORD.  14  vols.,  octavo, 
half  leather,  gilt  tops.  Per  volume  .....  $5.00. 
Limited  to  jjO  sets,  printed  from  type — not  stereotyped.  Now  complete.  A  few  sets 
still  remain  for  sale. 

THE  WRITINGS  OF  THOMAS  JEFFERSON 

Comprising  his  Public  Papers  and  his  Private  Correspondence,  in 
cluding  numerous  letters  and  documents  now  for  the  first  time  printed. 
Edited  by  PAUL  LEICESTER  FORD.  10  vols.,  octavo,  half  leather,  gilt 
tops.  Per  volume  .........  $5.00 

Limited  to  750  st'/s,  printed  from  type — not  stereotyped.      Now  complete. 

CORRESPONDENCE  AND  PAPERS  OF  JOHN  JAY 

Including  all  his  important  writings,  addresses,  and  decisions,  and 
letters  from  Washington,  Hamilton,  Adams,  Jefferson,  and  others,  many 
of  which  are  now  printed  for  the  first  time.  Printed  from  the  Jay  Papers 
in  the  possession  of  Hon.  John  Jay.  Edited  by  HENRY  P.  JOHNSTON. 
4  vols.,  octavo,  half  leather,  gilt  tops.  Per  volume  .  .  .  $5.00 
Limited  to  750  sets,  printed  from  type — not  stereotyped.  Now  complete.  A  few  sets 
btill  remain  for  sale. 

LIFE  &  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  RUFUS  KING 

Comprising  his  Letters,  Private,  and  Official,  his  Public  Documents, 
and  his  Speeches.  Edited  by  his  grandson,  CHARLES  R.  KING,  M.D. 
6  volumes,  octavo,  half  leather,  gilt  tops.  Per  volume  .  .  $5.00 
Limited  to  750  sets,  printed  from  type — not  stereotyped.  In  course  of  publication. 
Volume  VI.  in  preparation. 

THE  FEDERALIST 

By  Alex.  Hamilton,  John  Jay,  and  James  Madison.  Being  a  Col 
lection  of  Essays  Written  in  Support  of  the  Constitution  Agreed  upon 
September  17,  1787,  by  the  Federal  Convention.  Edited,  with  Intro 
duction  and  Notes,  by  HENRY  CABOT  LODGE.  Octavo  .  .  $1.50 

G.   T.    PUTNAM'S  SDNSPuBLisHERS,   27  West  23d  St.,  New  York 

iTT 

OK    TTTF 

UNIVERSITY 


FOURTEEN  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 


This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 

on  the  date  to  which  renewed. 
Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 


i       SMar'56JP 

F£&23i956LU 

,JUN  1H975  6 

4 

KCQ  :•::: 

OO\       0[C  26'M 

JAN  07  2003 

APR  0?  1990 

Hcs,i    (ff 

mm  !•'  AY  i  i  i99i 

MAY  2  8  2002 

• 

LD  21-100m-2,'55 
(B139s22)476 


General  Library 

University  of  California 

Berkeley 


coaaantaao 


,; 


